South Korea
Highlights Reflation Trade: The backdrop for global growth and monetary liquidity remains positive, and suggests that risk assets will outperform government debt for the balance of 2017. However, there are some early signs of fading momentum which raises risks for financial markets in 2018. New Zealand: The more dovish tone taken by the RBNZ reflects the more uncertain outlook for New Zealand growth and inflation. Go long 5-year New Zealand government bonds versus 5-year U.S. Treasuries (currency-hedged) and also versus 5-year German government debt (currency-unhedged). South Korea: Large expected increases in fiscal spending from the new government in Seoul will drive up the longer end of the South Korean government bond curve, while the Bank of Korea's easing stance and weak domestic economy will anchor the short-end of the curve. Position for this by entering a 2-year/10-year steepening trade in the South Korean government bond market. Feature "I know it makes no difference to what you're going through; but I see the tip of the iceberg, and I worry about you." - Rush Is The Liquidity Party Starting To Wind Down? Global financial markets continue to enjoy the "sweet spot" of a solidly expanding global economy, but without enough inflation pressure to force central banks to slam on the monetary brakes. That backdrop is starting to change, though. Odds are rising that the European Central Bank (ECB) will begin tapering its bond buying next year, with some hints of that possibly being announced as soon as next week's monetary policy meeting. At the same time, the Bank of Japan (BoJ) - faced with the operational constraints of buying an ever-increasing share of Japanese financial assets - is focused on targeting long-term interest rates rather than increasing liquidity. Even the Federal Reserve is now talking about reducing its massive balance sheet later this year. The liquidity tailwind to global growth and risk assets is now at risk of becoming a headwind. Already, the growth rate of the major central bank balance sheets has rolled over and is on course to decelerate further over the next year (Chart of the Week). Importantly, this downshift in global liquidity momentum is happening as signs of slowing growth have appeared in some major economies like China and the U.S. (Chart 2). Chart of the WeekLiquidity Tailwind To Risk##BR##Assets Is Fading Chart 2Growth Momentum##BR##Already Starting To Cool Off We remain concerned that the Chinese economy will see a policy-induced deceleration in the 2nd half of the year. However, we still expect the U.S. to rebound after the soft patch of growth in the first quarter, and we see nothing in the Euro Area data to suggest that the current solid expansion is at risk of fading quickly. This should allow inflation expectations to drift upward toward the central bank targets given the apparent lack of spare capacity on both sides of the Atlantic (Chart 3). Chart 3Fed & ECB Facing##BR##Economic Capacity Constraints We still expect the Fed to deliver another two rate hikes before year-end and the ECB to begin its exit strategy from the current extraordinary monetary policies by slowing the pace of asset purchases starting early next year. For now, the backdrop will remain supportive for the outperformance of growth-sensitive assets like corporate credit and equities over government bonds in the U.S. and Europe over the balance of 2017. However, the early signals sent by "leading leading" indicators such as our Global Leading Economic Indicator diffusion index (Chart 2, top panel) suggests that liquidity and growth trends will become far more challenging for the markets in 2018. Bottom Line: The backdrop for global growth and monetary liquidity remains positive, and suggests that risk assets will outperform government debt for the balance of 2017. However, there are some early signs of fading momentum which raises risks for financial markets in 2018. Maintain a below-benchmark duration exposure and an overweight allocation to corporate debt in global fixed income portfolios. New Zealand: Safety From A Global Bond Apocalypse? A growing number of the world's most wealthiest (and, arguably, most paranoid) people are reportedly buying real estate in New Zealand as a safe haven place to live if modern civilization collapses.1 While the immediate need for taking such precautions can be debated, there is sound logic in treating New Zealand as a location far removed from the current geopolitical and socio-economic problems of the world. We now see a case for treating New Zealand bonds as a potential "safe haven" market for global fixed income investors. The Economic Backdrop Has Become More Muddled We have been running a SHORT position in New Zealand (paying 12-month OIS rates) in our Tactical Overlay portfolio since last November. Our view then was that the New Zealand economy would surprise to the upside in 2017 and inflation was likely to start drifting upward. This would pressure the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) to raise the Official Cash Rate (OCR) from the highly accommodative level of 1.75%. So far, that expectation has not panned out as the RBNZ has held rates steady amid a more uncertain outlook for the New Zealand economy. Growth indicators have been a bit mixed over the past few months, but the current uptick in the manufacturing purchasing managers' index (PMI) is pointing to real GDP expanding around 3% on a year-over-year basis (Chart 4). If maintained for the full year, this would be slightly above the RBNZ's estimate of potential growth at 2.8%. There are some downside risks, however, given that consumer and business confidence are both below previous cyclical peaks and fiscal policy is expected to be mildly restrictive in 2017 (bottom three panels). The housing market remains a key cyclical wild card. Residential construction has been a significant source of growth over the past few years, driven by a surge in net immigration into New Zealand and declining interest rates (Chart 5). However, the RBNZ is projecting immigration inflows to slow from the current high level, largely due to improving labor market conditions in the developed economies (most notably, Australia, which is the largest source of New Zealand immigrants). Chart 4Stable NZ Growth...For Now Chart 5NZ Housing Activity Starting To Peak Out Slower immigration would reduce the demand for New Zealand housing at a time when mortgage rates have already been rising off the record lows seen in 2016 (bottom panel). This has occurred without any rate hikes from the RBNZ, as rising global bond yields have put upward pressure on New Zealand bank funding costs, which have been passed through to higher mortgage rates. The RBNZ is currently projecting growth in house prices to slow sharply from last year's robust 15% pace to just 5% in 2017. The main drivers are higher borrowing costs and the ongoing impact of macro-prudential regulations against high loan-to-value ratio mortgage lending. Importantly, slower housing activity will not only have a direct impact on GDP growth through softer construction, but will also indirectly dampen consumer spending growth via wealth effects. Yet even with this expected drag on growth from housing, the New Zealand economy is still expected to face capacity constraints over the rest of the year. Higher Uncertainty Over Price Pressures Both the RBNZ and the International Monetary Fund estimate that the output gap has fully closed and is projected to move into positive territory this year (Chart 6). At the same time, the current unemployment rate of 4.9% is below the OECD's estimate of the full employment level and the RBNZ projects a further decline in joblessness in 2017 (third panel). Despite this evidence of the economy reaching capacity constraints, both wage growth and price inflation remain subdued and inflation expectations remain well-anchored around 2% - the midpoint of the RBNZ's 1-3% target range. Wage costs are particularly depressed, growing only 1% on a year-over-year basis in Q1. This may be related to the rise in the labor force participation rate - up to an all-time high of 70.6% in Q1 from a cyclical low of 68.2% at the end of 2015 - that has increased the available supply of labor. The most recent headline inflation print for Q1 was quite strong, taking the year-over-year growth rate up to 2.2%. Yet in the RBNZ's April Monetary Policy Statement (MPS), the central bank took a surprisingly dovish tone, citing uncertainty over the true degree of slack in the economy and downside risks to growth that would prevent a further acceleration of inflation.2 The RBNZ now forecasts inflation to not rise above 2.2% this year and to fall back to 1.1% in both 2018, led by a sharp decline in growth for tradeables, mostly energy and food inflation (Chart 7). Importantly, this forecast includes the recent decline in the trade-weighted New Zealand Dollar (NZD). Non-tradeables inflation is also expected to stabilize on the back of slower housing-related items in the consumer price index. Chart 6RBNZ Not Expecting A Big Rise In Inflation... Chart 7...As Growth In Tradeables Prices Cools A Weaker Case For Tighter Monetary Policy The official RBNZ projection is that the OCR will stay unchanged at 1.75% until September 2019. The market expectation priced into the NZD OIS curve calls for 27bps of hikes over the next twelve months (Chart 8). Our New Zealand Central Bank Monitor has been suggesting the need for tighter monetary policy since mid-2016, but appears to be rolling over (2nd panel). The diminished rate hike expectations have coincided with a decline in the NZD and a sharp underperformance of New Zealand equities. The markets are giving a consistent signal on softening growth prospects in New Zealand, confirming the central bank's more recent dovish turn. Chart 8Market Expectations Of##BR##RBNZ Hikes Are Fading Given the newfound uncertainties over the New Zealand growth and inflation outlook, the case for owning New Zealand interest rate exposure has grown a little bit stronger. Admittedly, we do not envision a major pullback in growth, and inflation may not fall by as much as the RBNZ is expecting given how little spare capacity there appears to be in the economy. Yet there is now just enough uncertainty to keep the central bank on hold for longer than expected, as was noted in the "scenario analysis" section of the April MPS.3 The RBNZ noted that if the level of spare capacity is smaller than currently assumed, then the latest growth forecast will result in inflation eventually moving to 2.0% in 2018 and 2.3% in 2019, resulting in the OCR needing to rise to 2.25% in two years. Alternatively, if housing demand slows even faster than current projections, inflation would be below the 2% target during the next two years and the OCR would need to fall to 1.25% by the end of 2018. Our takeaway from this is that, even in the more positive scenario, interest rates are not expected to rise by much more than the markets are currently discounting. Position For Tighter New Zealand Spreads Versus Treasuries & Bunds The economic risks in New Zealand now appear evenly balanced. This argues for stable monetary policy and diminished bond volatility. Current market forwards for both government bonds and NZD swaps shows that very little movement in interest rates is expected over the next year (Chart 9). We generally agree with this pricing, although the uncertainty over the degree of spare capacity, and underlying inflation pressures, make a directional view on interest rates or the shape of the yield curve an unattractive risk proposition. A more interesting opportunity presents itself in looking at spread trades between New Zealand government bonds versus other developed market sovereign debt. The yield betas for New Zealand versus the U.S. and Germany have fallen steadily over the past year (Chart 10), indicating that New Zealand bonds can be more insulated from the rise in yields that we expect for U.S. Treasuries and German Bunds over the latter half of 2017. Given the competitively high yields on offer in New Zealand, even on a currency-hedged basis (bottom panel), we see a case for going long New Zealand interest rate exposure versus U.S. and Germany. Chart 9Higher NZ Bond Yields##BR##Priced Into Forwards Chart 10NZ Bonds: Now Lower Beta##BR##With Higher Hedged Yields At current yield levels, going long New Zealand versus Germany looks more compelling relative to spread compression trades versus U.S. Treasuries. We see strong potential for New Zealand-Germany spreads to tighten faster than the forwards over the next six months (Chart 11), largely through rising German yields as the ECB signals that a tapering of bond purchases is set to begin next year. The downside potential for New Zealand-U.S. spread compression looks less likely from current tight levels, although if Treasury yields rise by as much as we expect in the coming months, some spread tightening should occur here, as well. Chart 11Go Long 5Yr NZ Bonds Vs##BR##USTs and German OBLs Based on our analysis, we are closing our current NZD rates trade in our Tactical Overlay portfolio with a tiny profit of +3bps , and entering two new trades: long 5-year NZD government bonds versus 5-year U.S. Treasuries, on a currency-hedged basis; and long 5yr NZD government bonds versus 5-year German government debt, on a currency-unhedged basis.4 We are choosing to hedge the currency exposure back into USD for the former given the view of BCA's currency strategists that the EUR/USD exchange rate is now stretched too far to the upside and is at risk of declining as the Fed delivers on additional rate hikes in the coming months.5 In other words, we see a greater potential for a decline in NZD/USD than NZD/EUR in the next 3-6 months. Bottom Line: The more dovish tone taken by the RBNZ reflects the more uncertain outlook for New Zealand growth and inflation, in contrast to the strong likelihood of additional Fed rate hikes and an ECB taper announcement in the next few months. Go long 5-year New Zealand government bonds versus 5-year U.S. Treasuries (currency-hedged) and also versus 5-year German government debt (currency-unhedged). South Korea: A Bad Moon Rising For Bond Yields Chart 12Markets Not Worried##BR##About The New President The new South Korean president, Moon Jae-In was elected on May 9th, ending a year of political turmoil after the previous president's scandal and impeachment. Our colleagues at BCA Geopolitical Strategy view Moon and his Democratic Party as a major shift to the political left.6 The new president's policy agenda is aimed at economic stimulus for the working class alongside reforms of the country's chaebol industrial giants. Korean financial markets have greeted the election result positively, with the benchmark KOSPI equity index up 2.7%, and the Korean won up 1% versus the U.S. dollar, from the pre-election levels on May 8th. (Chart 12). This is consistent with past market behavior, as the won tends to be less reactive toward domestic events (i.e. after the previous president's impeachment, the won actually strengthened) and more sensitive to international uncertainties (i.e. North Korea-U.S. military tensions, as occurred in mid-March). Korean interest rates, however, have shown little response to the change in leadership in Seoul, with bond yields unchanged since the election. We see this as presenting an opportunity for fixed income investors. Clearly, the new regime in Seoul represents a real change for the Korean people, but it also represents a potential shift in the economic backdrop - namely, through an expected large fiscal stimulus from the new government - that will impart a steepening bias to the Korean interest rate curve. A Sluggish Economy Greets The New President While the steady, if unspectacular, pace of global growth in the past few years has been enough to absorb spare capacity in many countries, South Korea's sub-par economic performance has left the country with a widening output gap (Chart 13). Policymakers are well aware that consumer spending, which contributes about 60% of GDP, has been steadily weakening alongside slowing credit growth. Chart 13Sluggish Growth In South Korea The new government will attempt to boost domestic consumption, and thus overall growth, by increasing social welfare spending. Moon's economic agenda calls for raising the minimum wage by 55% by 2020, increasing subsidies for education costs and parental leave, and doubling the basic pension payment for the elderly regardless of their income level. It might prove to be very effective in the short term at boosting consumer spending, but this may not prove to be a sustainable driver of growth in South Korea, where the marginal swings in the economy have historically been driven more by exports. Youth joblessness is another problem that Moon will attempt to tackle with his ambitious economic program. While the labor market may appear healthy, with an overall unemployment rate of only 3.7%, the situation is far more challenging for young adults in South Korea - the jobless rate for those aged 20-29 is 11.3%. One of the reasons for such a high unemployment rate among young South Koreans is that university graduates, of which there are many in this highly-educated nation, expect (and look for) high-paying jobs, but cannot find enough of them.7 The labor market has become more competitive in recent years as weak economic growth has limited the ability of private sector, especially large corporations, to hire as much. To solve this problem, the new government has promised to create 810,000 jobs in the public sector. Creating public sector jobs may temporarily solve the high unemployment rate, but in the long run, this will also cause larger fiscal burdens for taxpayers. Position For A Steeper South Korean Yield Curve Headline CPI inflation in South Korea is currently hovering around the 2% target of the Bank of Korea (BoK), while core CPI growth is lower at 1.3%. The BoK has maintain the policy rate at 1.25% since June 2016, with a bias towards additional easing given the lack of sustained inflationary pressure amid weak domestic demand. The BoK did sound a slightly more upbeat tone on the economy at last week's monetary policy meeting, led by the spillover effects from improving global growth rather than a more bullish expectation on the Korean consumer. Importantly, the central bank still expects inflation pressures to remain subdued - no surprise given the large output gap. The BoK did note that it is monitoring several factors in judging future policy decisions: the pace of rate hikes by the Fed, trends in global trade, geopolitical tensions, the pace of household debt accumulation and "the directions of the new government's fiscal policies." The latter may end up being the most important factor, as President Moon is proposing an increase in government spending equal to 0.7% of GDP - an amount equal to ½ of the estimated output gap coming after a 2016 budget surplus of 1% of GDP. This increase in fiscal spending could directly drive up the longer-end of Korean yield curve, as this would result in a narrower budget surpluses and greater KGB issuance. At the same time, the lack of domestic inflation pressures, even with the fiscal stimulus, will keep the BoK on an easing bias that will keep short dated yields well anchored. Therefore, we see the potential for the Korean yield curve to eventually steepen and break the downward-sloping trendline in place since 2014 (Chart 14). We recommend positioning for this move by entering a 2-year/10-year steepening trade in the Korean yield curve. Admittedly, this trade is more structural than tactical in nature, as the Moon stimulus policies will take time to unfold. Importantly, a flattening of the 2-year/10-year KGB curve is currently priced into the forwards, meaning that positioning now for a steepener does not incur negative carry (Chart 15). Chart 14More Fiscal Stimulus =##BR##Steeper Korea Curve Chart 15Enter A 2Yr/10Yr##BR##Korean Bond Curve Steepener Also, Korean 10-year bond yields are currently exhibiting a strong correlation to similar maturity U.S. Treasuries with a yield beta around 1.0 (bottom panel). Given our view that longer-dated U.S. yields have upside risk from both additional Fed rate increases and higher U.S. inflation expectations, that high yield beta suggests that the Korean yield curve could suffer some of the same cyclical bear-steepening pressures that we expect for U.S. Treasuries in the next 3-6 months. Bottom Line: Large expected increases in fiscal spending from the new government in Seoul will drive up the longer end curve of the South Korean government bond curve, while the Bank of Korea's easing stance and weak domestic economy will anchor the short-end of the curve. Position for this by entering a 2-year/10-year steepening trade in the South Korean bond curve. Robert Robis, Senior Vice President Global Fixed Income Strategy rrobis@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com 1 https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/jan/29/silicon-valley-new-zealand-apocalypse-escape 2 The central bank noted that its "suite" of output gap estimates, using varying methodologies, have an unusually wide range at the moment between -1.5% and +2%. 3 http://www.rbnz.govt.nz/monetary-policy/monetary-policy-statement 4 These trades can be done using interest rate swaps as well (receiving NZD rates vs paying USD & EUR rates), as swap spreads are expected to remain broadly stable in all three regions. 5 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "Bloody Potomac", dated May 19 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets" dated May 24 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 According to the OECD, Korea's college enrollment rate was a whopping 87% as recently as 2014. The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns
Highlights U.S. fiscal stimulus will be priced back into markets; Northeast Asia is consumed with domestic politics for now; China's financial crackdown raises risks, but so far looks contained; South Korea's relief rally will lead to buyer's remorse; Japan's constitutional reforms portend more reflation. Feature The market has lost faith in U.S. fiscal stimulus. The bond market has given back all of the expectations of faster growth and higher inflation (Chart 1). Hopes of populist, budget-busting tax cuts appear to have been dashed by the Putin-gate scandal and alleged White House obstruction of justice. As a result, the DXY has fallen to pre-election levels, while the Goldman Sachs high tax-rate basket of equities has fallen to its lowest level relative to the S&P 500 since February 2016 (Chart 2). We continue to believe that tax reform, or just tax cuts, will happen this year or early next year and that the market will have to re-price fiscal stimulus and budget profligacy at some point this year.1 As such, we are not ready to close our tactical recommendations of going long the high-tax rate basket relative to S&P 500 (down 1.62% since April 5) or playing the 2-year / 30-year Treasury curve steepener (down 11.4 bps since November 1). Republicans in Congress will push through tax reforms or cuts for the sake of remaining competitive in the upcoming midterm elections. And we doubt their commitment to budget discipline. That said, it is not clear that the equity market needs tax reforms to continue its upward trajectory. The Atlanta Fed's GDPNow model is predicting growth of 4.1% in the second quarter while the NY Fed's Nowcast is forecasting 2.3%. BCA U.S. Equity Strategy's earnings model continues to predict continued healthy profit growth for the remainder of the year both in the U.S. and abroad (Chart 3).2 In fact, if expectations of stimulus in the U.S. fully dissipate, the USD will take a breather - giving global stocks a boost - and the Fed will be able to take it easy on tightening U.S. rates, easing global monetary conditions. Chart 1Market No Longer##br## Believes In Trump Stimulus... Chart 2...Or Trump ##br##Tax Cuts Chart 3Corporate Profit ##br##Outlook Still Strong Perhaps far more important for global and U.S. risk assets is global growth. And the fulcrum of global growth has been China's economic performance. As the only country willing to run pro-cyclical monetary and fiscal policy, China has had a disproportionate impact on global growth since 2008. As such, we turn this week to the geopolitics and politics of Northeast Asia. China: How Far Will Deleveraging Go? Chinese financial policy tightening caught the market by surprise this year. The running assumption was that policy would be fully accommodative in order to ensure stability ahead of the all-important nineteenth National Party Congress in October or November.3 However, it is possible that the assumption is flawed. First, as we have pointed out in the past, China does not have a record of proactive economic stimulus ahead of party congresses (Chart 4). Second, President Xi Jinping may be far more secure in his position than is understood. Chart 4Not Much Evidence Of Aggressive Stimulus Ahead Of Mid-Term Party Congresses In China The crackdown on the financial sector in recent months suggests that Xi's administration has a greater appetite for risk ahead of the party congress than is generally believed: The administration is continuing to tamp down on the property sector. The PBoC has drained liquidity and allowed interbank rates to rise (Chart 5). The China Banking Regulatory Commission (CBRC) has launched inspections and new regulations on wealth management products and the shadow lending sector. The China Insurance Regulatory Commission (CIRC) has imposed new restrictions, including preventing insurers from selling new policies. One can make a good case that these measures will be limited so as not to cause excessive disruption in the financial system. All of the key Communist Party statements, from Premier Li Keqiang's recent comments to those made by the economic leadership in December, at the beginning of this tightening cycle, have emphasized that stability remains the priority.4 The PBoC's measures have been marginal; other measures have mostly to do with supervision. Notable personnel changes affecting the top economic and financial government positions fall under preparations for the party congress and do not necessarily suggest a new ambitious policy initiative is under way.5 Moreover, the government has already stepped back a bit in the face of the liquidity squeeze. One of the signs of the PBoC's tighter stance was its discontinuation of its Medium-Term Lending Facility in January, but this has since been reinstated.6 And throughout May the PBoC has injected increasing amounts of liquidity into the interbank system, marking an apparent tactical shift (Chart 6). Furthermore, government spending is already growing again after a brief contraction. Chart 5People's Bank Tightens Marginally... Chart 6...But Keeps Interbank Rates On A Leash In light of these decisions, it seems policy tightening is intended not to be stringent but merely to keep the financial sector - especially the shadow banking sector - in check during a year in which the assumption is that regulators' hands are tied. After all, an unchecked expansion of leverage throughout the year could interfere with the stability imperative. There are two major risks to this view. First, there is the danger of unintended consequences: China is overleveraged: The fundamental problem for China is that there is too much leverage in the system and there has not been a bout of deleveraging for several years (Chart 7). Much of the leverage is off-balance sheet as a result of the rapid growth in shadow lending. There are complex and opaque webs of counterparty risk. When authorities crack down, they cannot be certain that their actions will not spiral out of control. Recently, heightened scrutiny of "mutual guarantees," a type of shadow lending between corporations, led to the default of a company in Shandong that prompted a local government bailout, and more such credit events have occured.7 Policymakers are human: It is a fallacy to assume that Chinese policymakers are omnipotent. The mishaps of 2015-16 put a point on this. A state-backed newspaper has recently reiterated that its "deleveraging" campaign is not finished - the government could accidentally push too far.8 The rise in bond yields has already inverted the yield curve, causing the five-year bond yield to rise higher than the ten-year (Chart 8). This is a red flag and warrants caution.9 Quick fixes have negative side-effects: China escaped the last round of financial jitters, in 2015-16, by using its time-tried technique of credit and fiscal spending to boost the property market and build infrastructure, while imposing draconian capital controls. The growth rebound came at the expense of more debt, less economic rebalancing, and less financial openness. Chart 7China Is Massively Overleveraged Chart 8China's Yield Curve Has Inverted Second, there is the risk that Xi Jinping's calculus ahead of the party congress is not knowable. It may well be the case that Xi's position in the party is strengthened by a disruptive financial crackdown. The party congress is already under way: The party congress runs all year; it is not merely a one-off event this fall. Senior party officials will come up with a list of candidates for promotion in June or July. Then the PSC and former PSC members will likely meet behind the scenes to hash out their final list, which the Central Committee will ratify in the fall. If financial jitters were supposed to be strictly avoided for the party congress, then the current crackdown would never have begun. The outcomes are uncertain: The negotiations for the Politburo and PSC are not a foregone conclusion no matter how well positioned Xi appears to be as the "core" of the Communist Party. A simple assessment of the current Politburo suggests that the factions are evenly balanced when it comes to the current Politburo members capable of filling the five positions on the new PSC. Two of these positions should go to President Xi's and Premier Li Keqiang's successors, likely to be of opposing factions, while there will probably be three remaining slots that will have to be divvied up among an equal number of candidates from the two main factions (Table 1). Xi may still need to win some battles for influence behind the scenes in order to stack the Central Committee, Politburo, and PSC with his people for 2017 and beyond.10 His anti-corruption campaign has slowed down but is not over (Chart 9). This is all the more imperative for him since his retirement could be rattled by future enemies, given that he has removed the longstanding impunity of former PSC members. Table 1Lineup Of New Politburo Standing Committee Yet To Take Shape - Factions Evenly Balanced Despite these risks, we still tend to think that for China, as for the world, political risks are overstated in 2017 and understated in 2018.11 If Xi deliberately courts instability this year, as opposed to merely staying vigilant over the financial sector, then it will mark a major break from the norms of Chinese politics. The true risk to China's stability - aside from the unintended consequences discussed above - arises after the party congress, when Xi's political capital is replenished and he can attempt to reboot his policy agenda. Previous presidents Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin both launched reform pushes after their midterm congresses in 2007 and 1997, respectively. Hu's reform drive was cut short by the global financial crisis, while Jiang's was large-scale and disruptive and paved the way for a decade of higher potential GDP. Having consolidated power in the party, bureaucracy, and military, and tightened controls over the media, Xi Jinping will be in a position in 2018 to launch sweeping reforms should he choose to do so. Presumably these reforms would follow along the lines of those he outlined in the Third Plenum of the Eighteenth Central Committee back in 2013 - they would be pro-market reforms focused on raising productivity by transferring more wealth to households and SMEs at the expense of state-owned enterprises and local governments.12 To illustrate the process of structural reform, we have often used the notion of the "J-Curve" in Diagram 1. This shows that painful reforms deplete political capital, creating a "danger zone" for political leaders in which they lose popularity as economic pain hurts the public. Xi's work over the past five years to fight corruption and rebuild the party's public image have given him the ability to start the J-Curve process from a higher point than otherwise would have been the case. He will start at point D in the diagram, instead of point A, which means that the low point E may not embroil him as deeply in the danger zone of serious political instability as point B. Chart 9Embers Still Burning In ##br##Anti-Corruption Campaign Diagram 1The J-curve Of##br## Structural Reform But there is still no guarantee that he intends to expend his political capital in this way. The current round of financial tightening could be preliminaries for bigger moves next year - or it could be just another mini-cycle in the ongoing process of "managing" China's massive leverage. If China decides to execute a major deleveraging campaign, either now or next year, it will have a negative effect on global commodity demand (particularly base metals), on commodity exporters, on emerging markets in general, and ultimately on global growth. It would be beneficial for Chinese growth in the long run but negative in the short run, and in terms of Chinese domestic risk assets would open up opportunities for investors to favor "new (innovative) China" versus "old (industrial) China." Bottom Line: We remain long Chinese equities versus Taiwanese and Hong Kong equities for now, but are wary of any sign of doubling down on policy tightening in the face of more frequent and intense credit events. That would indicate that the Chinese leadership has a higher risk appetite than anyone expects and may be willing to induce serious financial disruption before the party congress. Korea: Drunk On Moonshine The Korean election is over and with it much of the heightened uncertainty that accompanied the impeachment and removal from office of President Park Geun-hye over the past year. The new president, Moon Jae-in of the Democratic Party, performed right around the polled expectations at 41% of the vote (Table 2). His competitor on the right wing, Hong Jun-pyo, outperformed expectations, though he still trailed well behind at 24%, giving Moon a large margin of victory by Korean standards that will help provide him with political capital (Chart 10). Table 2South Korean Presidential Election Results Chart 10Moon Will Have A Honeymoon Moon's election will bring relief to markets on both the domestic and geopolitical front. On the domestic front, he is proposing a series of policies that will cumulatively boost fiscal thrust and growth. On the geopolitical front, he will revive the "Sunshine Policy" (now "Moonshine Policy") of engagement with North Korea, reducing the appearance that the peninsula is slipping into war.13 The power vacuum in South Korea was a key driver of North Korea's belligerence in 2016, as the lead-up to South Korean elections has been in the past (Chart 11). South Korean presidents typically enjoy a substantial honeymoon period in which they are able to drive policy. The fact that the election occurred seven months early, as a result of the impeachment, gives Moon a notable boost to this period - he has seven months longer than he would have had before he faces any potential check from voters in the 2020 legislative elections. That is not to say that Moon has free rein. Ahn Cheol-soo's People's Party holds 40 seats in the National Assembly and is therefore in a "kingmaker" position - able to provide either the ruling Democratic Party or the fractured right-wing opposition with a majority of seats (Diagram 2). The People's Party is already criticizing Moon's call for increasing government spending by around 0.7% of GDP to fulfill his campaign pledges. True, the People's Party leans to the left and rose to power as a result of the median voter's shift to the left in the 2016's legislative elections. This may limit its ability to obstruct Moon's agenda at first. Nevertheless, it poses a substantial constraint on Moon's agenda through 2020. Chart 11Bull Market For##br## North Korean Threats Diagram 2Center-Left People's Party##br## Is The Korean Kingmaker Markets are relieved but not ebullient. The impeachment rally is over and eventually markets will realize that while Moon's agenda is pro-growth, it is not necessarily pro-corporate profits (Chart 12). He is promising to introduce a higher minimum wage, to convert temporary labor contracts into permanent ones, to increase social spending, and to toughen up labor and environmental regulation (Table 3). He has also appointed the so-called "chaebol sniper" as his point man in leading the reform of the country's chaebol industrial giants. On one hand, South Korea definitely needs corporate governance reform; on the other, the process will add uncertainty and Moon's approach may not be market-positive.14 Chart 12Relief Rally Likely To Disappoint Table 3South Korean President's Campaign Proposals To get an indication of what kind of impact Moon's economic agenda may have, it is helpful to compare that of his mentor, Roh Moo-hyun, president from 2002-7. Roh gave a boost to consumption, both government and private, and saw a relative drop off in fixed capital accumulation, which fits with the broad agenda of supporting workers and households and removing privileges for Korea's traditional export-oriented industrial complex (Chart 13). Roh proved very beneficial for the financial sector, wholesale and retail trade, and health and social work. Education and public administration received some support but were flat overall (Chart 14 A & B). If Moon follows in Roh's footsteps, he will be beneficial for the domestic-oriented economy. Chart 13South Korea's Left Wing##br## Boosts Domestic Consumption Chart 14ASouth Korea's Left Wing Boosts Finance,##br## Domestic Trade, And Health Care (I) Chart 14BSouth Korea's Left Wing Boosts Finance,##br## Domestic Trade, And Health Care (II) Abroad, the Moonshine Policy is likely to have some success, at least in the medium term. The Trump administration is pursuing a strategy comparable to the U.S.'s nuclear negotiations with Iran from 2011-15, in which it tries to rally a coalition to impose tougher sanctions on the rogue state with the purpose of entering into a new round of negotiations that will actually generate concrete results. The "arc of diplomacy" will take time to get going and could last several years - it is essentially a last-ditch effort to convince North Korea to pause its nuclear and missile advances. The tail risk of conflict on the Korean peninsula will be moved out to the end of this effort, perhaps around the end of Trump's term.15 Meanwhile, Moon is already patching up trade relations with China, according to reports, after the latter imposed sanctions on Korea for deploying the U.S. THAAD missile defense system (Chart 15). He will also seek joint infrastructure projects with China and Russia to connect the peninsula. China has a vested interest in Moon's success because it is attempting to demonstrate to the Trump administration that it is cooperating on North Korean security. Chart 15China Likely To Ease##br## Sanctions On South Korea Chart 16South Korean Inflation##br## And Credit Impulse Weak The geopolitical risk to markets is, first, that North Korea miscalculates the threshold of other nations' patience, continues with provocations, and eventually causes an incident that derails the new negotiations. This is possible given the North's record of belligerent acts and the fact that both the Trump administration and the Abe administration could cut diplomacy short in the face of a truly disruptive provocation for domestic political reasons. Second, there is a risk that Trump decides to escalate North Korean tensions again, whether to distract from domestic scandals or to reinforce the military deterrent in the event that China and South Korea appear to be giving North Korea a free pass in another round of useless talks. If Moon pursues a unilateral détente with North Korea, without adequate coordination with the U.S., and pushes for the removal of THAAD missiles, then the U.S. and South Korea are headed for a period of higher-than-normal alliance tensions that could become market-relevant.16 Bottom Line: We remain short KRW/THB. Core inflation and domestic demand remain weak in Korea, which reinforces the central bank's recent decision to stick to an accommodative monetary policy. Credit growth is cyclically weak, which reinforces the fact that rate cuts are still on the table (including the possibility of a surprise rate cut like in mid-2016) (Chart 16). Finally, the KRW has been relatively strong compared to the currencies of Korea's competitors (Chart 17). Chart 17South Korean Won Has Outpaced The Yuan And Yen In terms of equities, the top six chaebol have come under scrutiny, but Samsung has rallied despite lying at the center of the corruption scandal. The others have not performed well amid the economic slowdown. We see no opportunity at present to short the chaebol in relation to the broader market. Broadly, however, Moon's policies will add burdens to large internationally competitive industrials while boosting small and medium-sized enterprises. We also remain short the Korean ten-year government bond versus the two-year (see Chart 12, panel three, above). Moon's policy bent will subtract from a 1% budget surplus (2016) and worsen the long-term trajectory of the country's relatively low public debt (39% of GDP). Insofar as his foreign policy succeeds, it entails a larger future debt burden as a result of efforts to integrate with North Korea, which is relevant to long-term bonds well before reunification appears anywhere on the horizon. At bottom, we are structurally bearish South Korea because of rising headwinds both to U.S.-China relations and to the broader globalization process that has benefited South Korea so much in the recent past. Japan: Is Militarism The Final Act Of Abenomics? Japan has reached peak political capital under Shinzo Abe. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, with its New Komeito coalition partner, continues to play in a totally different league from its competitors - there is no political alternative at the moment (Chart 18). The ruling party has a de facto two-thirds supermajority in both houses of the Diet. Abe himself is more popular than any recent prime minister, and has retained that popularity over a longer period of time (Chart 19). He has secured permission from his party to stay on as its president until 2021, though he faces general elections in December 2018 to stay on as prime minister. Chart 18Japan: Liberal Democrats Still Supreme Chart 19Shinzo Abe Remains The Man Of The Hour Political capital is a fleeting thing, so Abe must use it or lose it. This is why we have insisted that he would press forward rapidly with attempts to revise Japan's constitution, his ultimate policy goal, which he has now confirmed he will do. His proposed deadline is July 2020 for the new provisions coming into force.17 Constitutional revision is not only about enshrining the Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) so as to normalize the country's defense policy. It is also about Japan becoming an independent nation again, capable of forging its own destiny outside of the one foreseen by the American framers of the post-WWII constitution. Though Abe has specific constitutional aims, any change to the constitution will demonstrate that change is possible and break a taboo, advancing Abe's broader goal of nudging the Japanese public toward active rather than passive policies.18 Hence Japanese politics are about to heat up in a big way. Abe has already done a trial run in his passage of a new national security law in September 2015. This law allowed the government to reinterpret the constitution so as to achieve many of his chief military-strategic aims (e.g. allowing the JSDF to come to the aid of allies in "collective self-defense"). Over the course of that year, Abe's popularity flagged, as public opinion punished him for shifting attention away from the economic reflation agenda that got him elected so as to focus on his more controversial, hawkish security agenda (Chart 20). Nevertheless, Abe stuck to the security agenda, in the face of some of the largest protests in Japan's post-Occupation history, and managed to shift back to the economy in time to notch another big victory in the upper house elections of 2016. We expect a similar process to unfold this time, though with bigger stakes and far less of a chance that Abe can "pivot" again. Under no circumstances do we see him reversing the constitutional drive now that he has the rare gift of supermajorities in the Diet; rather, he is going to spend his political capital. After all, there is no telling what could happen in the 2018 election. What are the market implications of this agenda? There may be some hiccups in consumer and business sentiment as a result of the rise in activism, political opposition, and controversy that is already beginning and will intensify as the process gets under way. Abe will be accused of putting the economy on the backburner. Abenomics is already of questionable success (Chart 21) and it will come under greater criticism as Abe shifts attention elsewhere, especially if global headwinds gain strength. Chart 20Abe Loses Support When He Talks##br## Security Instead Of Economy Chart 21Abenomics: ##br##Progress Is Gradual However, we recommend investors fade this narrative and buy Japan. Abe's constitutional changes must receive a simple majority in a nationwide popular referendum in order to pass - and Abe does not clearly have what he needs at the moment (Chart 22). This means that he cannot, in reality, afford to put Abenomics on the back burner, but instead must err on the side of monetary dovishness, fiscal stimulus, and reflation in order to win support for the non-economic agenda. There has been virtually no talk of fiscal stimulus this year, yet the policy setting is conducive to increasing spending as necessary. The Bank of Japan has explicitly embraced a monetary regime designed to allow for greater "coordination" with fiscal policy (Chart 23).19 There is no reason whatsoever to believe Abe is backing away from this stance. (Incidentally, the next consumption tax hike is not slated until October 2019, and could be delayed again.) Geopolitics are also fairly supportive of the Abe administration. First, the Korean situation is currently alarming enough to help justify the constitutional changes yet not alarming enough to provoke outright conflict. Abe is also making headway toward a historic improvement of relations with Russia, allowing Japan's military to pivot from the north to the south and west (i.e. China and North Korea). The chief risk for Abe is if North Korea surprises on the dovish side and new international diplomatic efforts appear so fruitful as to reduce domestic support for remilitarization. China, South Korea, and possibly North Korea will encourage the latter dynamic, while drumming up global criticism of Japan for warmongering. Meanwhile Japan will try to remind the domestic public and the U.S. that North Korea remains a clear and present danger and tends to take advantage of negotiations. Given the relatively positive geopolitical backdrop for Abe, the biggest risk to his agenda is an exogenous economic shock. Even then, if that shock stems from China and causes Beijing to rattle-sabers as a domestic distraction, then it will benefit Abe's remilitarization agenda. What would hurt Abe is if global growth sags but China and North Korea lay low. It is too soon to say that they will do this, but it is unlikely. Trump is also a wild card whose threats of "tough" policy toward China and North Korea may reemerge in 2018, in time to help Japan make constitutional changes that the U.S. generally supports. Bottom Line: Go long Japan. While there is no correlation between Japan's defense-exposed equity sector performance and the current government's remilitarization efforts, there is a clear case to be made that nominal GDP and defense spending will both be going up as a result of constitutional and economic policies (Chart 24). Abe will double down on reflation for at least as long as is necessary to maintain popular approval of his government ahead of a historic constitutional referendum. Chart 22Revise The Constitution? Yes.##br## End Pacifism? Maybe. Chart 23Japanese Reflation ##br##Will Continue Chart 24Expect Higher Nominal##br## Growth And Defense Spending Housekeeping: Play Pound Strength Through USD, Not EUR We are closing our short EUR/GBP position, open since January 25, for a loss of 1.77%. This trade has largely been flat. We put it on as a way to articulate our view that Brexit political risks are overstated and that the pound bottomed on January 16. The political call was right, but the pound has largely moved sideways versus the euro since then. We maintain our short USD/GBP, which is up 4.63% since March 29, as a way to articulate the same view that Brexit (and the upcoming U.K. elections) are not a risk. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri, Research Analyst jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day!" dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Trump Thumps The Markets," dated May 19, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 3 The party congress, which occurs every five years and marks the "midterm" of President Xi Jinping's administration, will see a sweeping rotation of Communist Party officials, including on the Central Committee, the Politburo, and the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC). 4 Please see "China able to keep its financial markets stable, Premier Li says," Reuters, May 14, 2017, available at www.reuters.com. For the December meeting, see "China's monetary policy to be prudent, neutral in 2017," Xinhua, December 16, 2016, available at www.chinadaily.com. 5 Finance Minister Xiao Jie, Commerce Minister Zhong Shan, NDRC Chairman He Lifeng, and China Banking Regulatory Commission Chairman Guo Shuqing have all recently been appointed, but they replaced leaders due to retire as part of the party congress reshuffle. Only the new China Insurance Regulatory Commission Chairman Xiang Junbo and the new Director o f the National Bureau of Statistics Wang Baoan were replaced for reasons other than retirement, having been stung by the anti-corruption campaign. By March 2018 the world should have a better sense of Xi's economic and financial "team" for 2018-22. 6 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China: Financial Crackdown And Market Implications," dated May 18, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 7 Zouping government, in Shandong, intervened into the case of Qixing aluminum company's insolvency in order to transfer control to Xiwang, a corn oil and steel producer that had given a mutual guarantee to Qixing. The Zouping authorities arrested the son of Qixing's chairman to force the transfer. Please see "Bond Buyers Blacklist Some Chinese Provinces After Run Of Defaults," Bloomberg, April 26, 2017, available at www.bloomberg.com. 8 Please see "China Deleveraging To Continue As Goals Not Yet Achieved: State Paper," Reuters, May 17, 2017, available at www.reuters.com. 9 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Signs Of An EM/China Growth Reversal," dated April 12, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com, and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Signal From Commodities," dated May 19, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 10 Xi may yet go after another big "tiger," Zeng Qinghong, the right-hand man of former President Jiang Zemin. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated in 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," dated December 11, 2013, and "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com, and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Tracking The Reform Progress," dated October 22, 2014, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 13 "Moonshine Policy" is a phrase we regrettably did not coin, but we discussed its coming in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "What About Emerging Markets?" dated May 3, 2017, and "How To Play The Proxy Battles In Asia," dated March 1, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Moon has nominated Kim Sang-jo, a professor of economics at Hansung University in Seoul, to head his Fair Trade Commission. Kim is a long-time advocate for shareholders against the family-controlled chaebol and led a prominent law suit against Samsung. Past efforts at reforming the chaebol led by Presidents Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun focused on improving balance sheets, protecting minority shareholders' rights, limiting the total amount of investment, and improving corporate management and accountability. It remains to be seen how Moon (and Kim Sang-jo, assuming his nomination is confirmed) will proceed, but the effort will bring domestic challenges to the top industrial conglomerates' operating environment at least initially. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "North Korea: Beyond Satire," dated April 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 South Korea's special envoy Hong Seok-hyun claims that Trump told him at the White House that he will work closely with Moon and is willing to try engagement with Pyongyang, conditions permitting, though he is not interested in talks for the sake of talks. This fits with our view that the U.S. saber-rattling this year was designed to make the military option more credible before pursuing a new round of diplomacy. 17 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, and Special Report, "Japan: The Emperor's Act Of Grace," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 So, for instance, if it should happen that, over the course of the coming debates, Abe is forced to drop his proposed revisions to the pacifist Article 9, he may still achieve changes to the amendment-making procedure in Article 96. The latter would be even more important for Japan's future, since it would make it easier for Japan to change the constitution for whatever reason in the coming decades. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "King Dollar: The Agent Of Righteous Retribution," dated October 12, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.
Highlights The structural theme of overweighting technology stocks within the overall equity benchmark, and relative to other cyclical sectors such as commodities and machinery stocks, remains intact. However, in absolute terms, EM tech/semi share prices have become overbought and have already priced in a lot of good news. They will likely sell off soon due to the potential slowdown in the pace of semiconductor demand. Continue overweighting EM tech stocks, Taiwanese and Korean bourses within EM equity portfolios. We also reiterate our long-standing long tech / short materials strategy. Feature EM technology stocks have surged to all-time highs (Chart I-1, top panel), contributing significantly to the ongoing EM rally. In fact, excluding tech stocks, EM share prices have not yet surpassed a major technical hurdle, as shown in the bottom panel of Chart I-1. BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy (EMS) team has been recommending that investors overweight tech stocks since June 8, 2010. In our report titled, How To Play EM Growth In The Coming Decade,1 we contended that the structural bull market in commodities was over, and that in the coming decade (2010-2019) the winners would be health care and technology (Chart I-2). We also identified a potential mania candidate - i.e., a segment that was poised for exponential price gains. We reasoned that the fusion between technology and health care - health care equipment stocks - could experience exponential price moves. This strategy has paid off exceptionally well. Consistently, within the EM equity benchmark, we have been overweighting Taiwanese and Korean tech stocks since 2007 and 2010, respectively (Chart I-3). Chart I-1EM Tech Stocks Have ##br##Surged To All Time Highs Chart I-2EMS Strategy Since 2010: ##br##Long Tech / Short Materials Chart I-3Taiwanese & Korean Tech ##br##Stocks Relative To Overall EM After such enormous gains, a relevant question is whether technology share prices will continue to rally in absolute terms, boosting the EM equity benchmark, or whether their absolute performance and/or relative performance will roll over. Chart I-4EM Tech Stocks Are Overbought Before we proceed in laying out our analysis, a caveat is in order: we can offer thematic long-term views on various sectors, but investors should realize the investment calls on many technology, internet and social media companies are driven by bottom-up - not macro - views. From a top-down perspective, we can offer little insight on whether EM internet and social media stocks such as Alibaba, Tencent and Baidu are cheap or expensive, whether their business models are or are not proficient, or what their profit outlooks might be. The reason is that these and other global internet/social media companies' revenues are not driven by business cycle dynamics and top-down analysis is less imperative in forecasting their performance. In this report we will shed some light on the business cycle in the global/Asian semiconductor industry. The latter is subject to both business cycle swings as well as sector-specific factors. Again, sector-unique factors for the semi industry are also beyond our top-down approach. The five largest constituents of the EM MSCI tech sector are Samsung (4.3% of EM MSCI market cap), Tencent (4.0%), Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (3.5%), Alibaba (3.0%), and Baidu (1.0%). Chart I-4 shows their share prices. In short, they have become a large part of the EM benchmark and are also extremely overbought, increasing the risk of correction. Technology's Structural Bull Market Is Intact... Even though EM tech prices have skyrocketed in both absolute and relative terms, odds are that the structural bull market has further to run. There are no structural excesses in the technology sector that would warrant a bust for now. Even in China, credit/leverage excesses are concentrated in the old industries, not among the tech and new economy segments. Demand for tech products in general and semiconductors in particular is not very dependent on the credit cycle in EM. In both developed market (DM) and EM economies, spending on many tech gadgets is contingent on income gains rather than credit growth. Our bearish view on EM/China growth is primarily due to our expectations of a credit downturn that will affect spending that is financed by credit. Investment expenditures driven by credit are much more important for commodities and industrial goods than technology products. While the share prices of technology and new economy companies are overbought and may be expensive, global/EM economic demand growth will be skewed toward new industries and technologies rather than commodities. In brief, the outlook for global tech spending remains positive, both cyclically and structurally. Having outperformed all other sectors by a large margin, the EM technology sector presently accounts for 26% of the EM MSCI benchmark, while at its previous structural peak in 2000 its market share stood at 22% (Chart I-5, top panel). During the 1999-2000 tech bubble, the U.S. and DM tech sector’s share of market cap reached 34% and 24% of the U.S. MSCI and DM MSCI benchmark market caps, respectively (Chart I-5, middle and bottom panels). Despite being stretched, it is possible that the technology sector's market cap will rise further before another structural top transpires. Hence, we are not yet ready to call the top in the tech's share of the overall market cap either in EM or DM. From a very long-term perspective (since 1960), the relative performance of the U.S. technology sector against the S&P 500 has not yet reached two standard deviations above its time trend, as it did in the year 2000 during the tech bubble. Conversely, the same measure for energy, materials and machinery stocks is not yet depressed enough to warrant a mean reversion bet (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Tech Stocks Market Cap Share ##br##Of Overall Equity Benchmarks Chart I-6Relative Performance Of ##br##U.S. Sectors Vs. S&P 500 Finally, secular leadership rotations within global equities typically occur during market downturns. Chart I-7 shows that commodities stocks and tech leadership changed in 2001 and 2008. It is possible that new sectoral leadership will emerge in global equities during the next bear market/severe selloff. However, it is too early to bet on it now. The current character of equity markets - which favors technology over commodities - will persist. Bottom Line: The structural theme of overweighting technology stocks within the overall equity benchmark and relative to other cyclical sectors such as resources/commodities and machinery stocks remains intact. ...But The Semi Cycle Upswing Is Advanced The semiconductors industry is cyclical, and as such business cycle analysis is pertinent here. The rest of the technology sector, however, is not correlated with overall business cycles. Therefore, there is little value that macro analysis can deliver on the outlook for non-semi tech areas. This is why this section is focused on semiconductors rather than the overall tech sector. There is no basis as to why semiconductor/tech cycles should correlate with commodities cycles. However, when they do, the amplitude of global business cycle fluctuations rises. Indeed, Asian exports and global trade tumbled in 2015 and have subsequently improved over the past 12 months for the following reason: the 2015 downturn and the ensuing recovery in the semiconductor cycle overlapped with similar swings in commodities and Chinese capital goods demand (Chart I-8). This has increased the amplitude of the global business cycle's swings in the past two years. Chart I-7Secular Leadership ##br##Rotation: Tech Vs. Energy Chart I-8Chinese Capital Goods Imports & ##br##Global Semiconductor Cycle We remain bearish on Chinese capital spending in general and construction in particular. This entails weaker demand for commodities and industrial goods. Yet we are not bearish on Chinese demand for semiconductors and tech devices. The semiconductor cycle has experienced a mini boom in the past 12-18 months. Demand for electronic products in the U.S. has been exceptionally strong (Chart I-9, top panel). Moreover, European production and sale of overall high-tech products as well as computer and electronic products have been robust (Chart I-9, bottom panel). In China, retail sales of communication appliances have also been extremely healthy (Chart I-10, top panel). By extension, the mainland's production of electronics has also boomed (Chart I-10, bottom panel). Chart I-9DM Demand For Tech Is Strong... Chart I-10...And So Is China's One soft spot for semi demand, however, could emanate from the global auto sector. U.S. auto sales have begun to contract, and auto production will likely shrink as well (Chart I-11, top panel). In addition, the growth rate of auto sales in both China and Europe may have reached a peak (Chart I-11, middle and bottom panels). Annual vehicle sales have reached 25 million units in China, and 17 million vehicles in both the U.S. and euro area. Overall global auto production is set to decelerate and this will weigh on semiconductor demand given that autos consume a lot of electronics. In addition, there are several other indications that suggest a mini-slowdown will likely transpire in the global semiconductor sector later this year: Taiwan's narrow money (M1) growth impulse has historically been correlated with the tech-heavy TSE index and has led export cycles (Chart I-12). This money impulse currently heralds a major top and relapse in both share prices and exports. Chart I-11Global Auto Production Chart I-12Taiwanese M1 Money Impulse Is Signaling A ##br##Growth Slowdown And Risk To Stocks The semiconductor shipments-to-inventory ratio has peaked in Korea and Taiwan (Chart I-13). This indicates that the best of the semi upswing may be behind us. Consistently, both global semiconductor producers' and semiconductor equipment stocks' forward EPS net revisions have already surged, and are elevated. This implies that a lot of earnings optimism has been priced in. Historically, when forward earning net revisions have reached these levels, global semi share prices have rolled over or entered a consolidation period (Chart I-14). Chart I-13Korea's & Taiwan's Semi ##br##Cycle Is Topping Out Chart I-14Semiconductors' Forward EPS ##br##Revisions Are Elevated Bottom Line: We expect a moderation in semi demand, but not recession. Semi share prices may react negatively to slower demand growth as the former have become extremely overbought and have already priced in a lot of good news. Investment Conclusions Semiconductor stocks have become overbought and a marginal slowdown in demand might be enough to cause a shake-out. The same is true for the overall tech sector. That said, we continue to recommend that investors overweight EM tech stocks, Taiwanese and Korean bourses within the EM equity portfolios. We also reiterate our long-standing long tech / short materials strategy. Remarkably, the KOSPI and Taiwanese TSE indexes - highly leveraged to semiconductors - have rallied to their previous highs (Chart I-15). In the past, they failed to break above these levels and we expect them to struggle again. If these equity indexes pull back and tech stocks correct, the overall EM stock index will roll over too. The rest of EM equity universe has much poorer fundamentals than tech companies. Financials and commodities sectors make 25% and 7% of the EM MSCI benchmark's market cap, respectively. The former is at risk from credit slowdown in EM and the latter is at a risk from lower commodities prices (Chart I-16). Chart I-15KOSPI & TSE Have Reached ##br##Major Resistances Chart I-16Industrial Metals ##br##Prices To Head Lower On the whole, we believe the recent divergence of EM risk assets from commodities prices and the EM/China credit cycles does not represent a structural regime shift in EM fundamentals, it rather reflects complacency in the marketplace. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor aymank@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report titled, "How The Play Emerging Market Growth In The Coming Decade", dated June 8, 2010, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights Chart 1European Policy Uncertainty Down Macron remains on target to win the French election, but Italy looms as a risk ahead; Fade any relief rally after South Korean elections; Russia is not a major source of geopolitical risk at present; Stay underweight Turkey and Indonesia within the EM universe. Feature The supposed pushback against populism is emerging as a theme in the financial industry. The expected defeat of nationalist-populist Marine Le Pen in the second round of the French election on May 7 has reduced Europe's economic policy uncertainty, despite continued elevated levels globally (Chart 1). We are not surprised by this outcome. A year ago, ahead of both the Brexit referendum and the U.S. election, we cautioned investors that it was the Anglo-Saxon world, not continental Europe, which would experience the greatest populist earthquake.1 The middle class in the U.S. and the U.K. lacks the socialist protections of large welfare states (Chart 2), leading to frustrating outcomes in terms of equality and social mobility (Chart 3). In other words, the gains of globalization have not been redistributed in the two laissez-faire economies. Hence the Anglo-Saxon world got Trump and Brexit while the continent got market-positive outcomes like Rajoy, Van der Bellen, Rutte, and (probably) Macron. Chart 2Given The Qualities Of The##br## Anglo-Saxon Economy ... Chart 3...Brexit And Trump ##br##Should Not Be A Surprise Looking forward, we agree with the consensus that Marine Le Pen will lose, as we have been stressing with high conviction since November.2 Despite a poor start to the campaign, Macron remains 20% ahead of Marine Le Pen with only four days left to the election (Chart 4). Could the polls be wrong? No. And not just because they were right in the first round. Polls are likely to be right because French polls have an exemplary track record (Chart 5) and there is no Electoral College to throw off the math. Chart 4Le Pen Unlikely To Bridge This Gap Chart 5French Polls Have Strong Track Record As we go to press, the two candidates are set to face off in an important televised debate. Given Le Pen's post-debate polling performance in the first round (Chart 6), we doubt she will perform well enough to make a change. Next week, we will review the second round and its implications for the legislative elections in June and French politics beyond. Overall, we think Europe's policy uncertainty dip is temporary, as the all-important Italian election risk looms just ahead in 2018.3 For now, we are sticking with our bullish European risk asset view, but will look to pare it back later in the year. Chart 6Debates Have Not Helped Le Pen Chart 7Commodity Currencies Suggest Global Trade Is At Risk... What about emerging markets? With investors laser-focused on developed market political risks - Trump's policies and protectionism, European elections, Brexit, etc - have EM political risks fallen by the wayside? Chart 8...And Commodities Are At Risk Too Chart 9China's Growth To Decelerate Again We don't think so. According to BCA's Emerging Market Strategy, the recent performance of the commodity currency index (an equally weighted average of AUD, NZD, and CAD) augurs a deceleration of global growth in the second half of this year (Chart 7) and a top in the commodity complex (Chart 8).4 At the heart of the reversal is the slowdown in China's credit and fiscal spending impulse (Chart 9).5 Given China's critical importance as the main source of EM final demand (Chart 10), the slowdown in money and credit growth is a significant risk to EM growth in the latter part of the year (Chart 11).6 Chart 10EM Is Leveraged To China Much More Than DM Chart 11China: Money/Credit Growth Is Slowing At the heart of China's credit slowdown are efforts by policymakers to cautiously introduce some discipline in the financial sector. Chinese interbank rates have risen noticeably, which should have a material impact on credit growth (Chart 12). Given that the all-important nineteenth National Party Congress is six-to-seven months away, we doubt that the tightening efforts will be severe. But they may foreshadow a much tighter policy in 2018, following the conclusion of the Congress, when President Xi has full reign and the ability to redouble his initial efforts at reform, namely to control the risks of excessive leverage to the state's stability. With both the Fed and PBoC looking to tighten over the next 12-18 months, in part to respond to improvements in global inflation expectations (Chart 13), highly leveraged EM economies may face a triple-whammy of USD appreciation, Chinese growth plateauing, and easing commodity demand. In isolation, none is critical, but as a combination, they could be challenging. Chart 12Chinese Policymakers End The Credit Party? Chart 13Global Tightening Upon Us? In this weekly report, we take an around-the-world look at several emerging economies that we believe are either defying the odds of political crisis or particularly vulnerable to growth slowdown. South Korea: Here Comes The Sunshine Policy, Part II South Korea's early election will be held on May 9. The victory of a left-wing candidate has been likely since April 2016, when the two main left-wing parties, the Democratic Party and the People's Party, won a majority of the 300-seat National Assembly. It has been inevitable since the impeachment of outgoing President Park Geun-hye in December - whose removal was deemed legal by the Constitutional Court in March - for a corruption scandal that split the main center-right party and decimated its popular support after ten years of ruling the country.7 The only question was whether Moon Jae-in, leader of the Democratic Party and erstwhile chief of staff of former President Roh Moo-hyun, would finally get his turn as president, or whether Ahn Cheol-soo, an entrepreneurial politician who broke from the Democratic Party to form the People's Party, would defeat him. At the moment, Moon has a significant lead in the polls, while Ahn has lost the bump in support he received after other candidates were eliminated through the primary process (Chart 14). Moon's lead has grown throughout the recent spike in saber-rattling between the United States and North Korea, which suggests that Moon is most likely to win the race. The debates have also hurt Ahn. Moon leads in every region, among blue collar and white collar voters, and among centrists as well as progressives. Also, the pollster Gallup Korea has a solid track record for presidential elections going back to 1987, with a margin of error of about 3%, so Moon is highly likely to win if polls do not change in Ahn's or Hong's favor. The key difference between Moon and Ahn boils down to this: Moon is the established left-wing candidate and has mainstream Democratic Party machinery backing him, a clear platform, and experience running the country from 2003-8. Ahn does not have experience in the executive branch (Blue House) and his policy platform is less clear. His party is a progressive offshoot of the Democratic Party, yet he is bidding for disenchanted center-right voters, a contradiction that has at times given him the appearance of flip-flopping on important issues. Thus Ahn's election would bring greater economic policy uncertainty than Moon's, though Ahn is more business-friendly by preference. Regardless, the new president will have to work with the opposing left-wing party in the National Assembly if he intends to get anything accomplished. The combined left-wing vote is 164, yielding only a 13-seat majority if the two parties work together. Differences between them will cause problems in passing legislation. It would be easier for Moon to legislate with his party's 119-seat base than for Ahn with his party's 40-seat base, unless Ahn can steer his party to cooperate with the center right like he is trying to do in the presidential campaign. Markets may celebrate the election regardless of the victor because it sets the country back on the path of stable government. The Kospi bottomed in November when the political crisis reached a fever pitch and has rallied since December 5, when it became clear that the conservatives in the assembly would vote for Park's impeachment. This suggested an early government change to restore political and economic leadership. The market rallied again when the Constitutional Court removed Park, which pulled the presidential elections forward to May and cut short what would otherwise have been another year of uncertainty until the original election date in December 2017 (Chart 15). Chart 14South Korea: Moon In The Lead Chart 15Korean Stocks Cheered Impeachment Investors can reasonably look forward to an increase in fiscal thrust after the election, particularly if Moon is elected. Table 1 compares the key policy initiatives of the top three candidates - both Moon and Ahn are pledging increases in government spending. Note that South Korean fiscal thrust expanded in the first two years of the last left-leaning government, i.e. the Roh Moo-hyun administration (Chart 16). Table 1South Korean Presidential Candidates And Their Policy Proposals Chart 16Left-Wing Leaders Drive Up Fiscal Spending Beyond any initial relief rally, however, investors may experience some buyer's remorse. South Korea is experiencing a leftward swing of the political pendulum that is not conducive to higher growth in corporate earnings. This is the implication of the April legislative elections and the collapse of President Park's support prior to the corruption scandal; it will also be the takeaway of either Moon's or Ahn's election win over a discredited conservative status quo (both fiscal and corporate). The leftward shift is motivated by structural factors, not mere political optics. Average growth rates have fallen since the Great Recession, yet South Korea lacks the social amenities of a slower-growing developed economy. The social safety net is comparable to Turkey's or Mexico's and wages have been suppressed to maintain competitiveness (Chart 17). Inequality has grown dramatically (Chart 18). Chart 17Keeping Labor Cheap Chart 18Fueling The Populist Fire Therefore the policies to come will emphasize redistribution, job security, and social benefits. Moon's policies, in particular, are aggressive. He has pledged to require the public sector to increase employment by 5% per year and add 810,000 jobs by 2022, and to expand welfare for the elderly regardless of their income level. This will swell the budget deficit and public debt, especially over time, given South Korea's demographic profile, which is rapidly graying (Chart 19). Moon also intends nearly to double the minimum wage, require private companies to hire 3-5% more workers each year, depending on company size, and give substantial subsidies to SMEs that hire more workers. He supports a hike in corporate taxes, though the details of any tax changes have yet to be disclosed. Chart 19Society Turning Gray Ahn's policy preferences are more focused on productivity improvements than social welfare. While Moon panders to middle-aged workers concerned about job security - among whom he leads Ahn by 30 percentage points - Ahn panders to the youth, who are currently battling an unemployment rate of 11%. He would pay subsidies to young workers while they look for jobs immediately after graduation ($266 per month) and for the first two years of their employment at an SME ($532 per month). He would direct budgetary funds to research and development, high-tech industries, and job training. The SME policies speak to the general dissatisfaction with the cozy relationship between large, export-oriented industrial giants - the chaebol - and the political elite. Both Moon and Ahn will attempt to remove subsidies and privileges from the chaebol, potentially forcing them to sell or spin-off branches that are unrelated to their core business, and will seek to incentivize SMEs. Chaebol reform is a long-running theme in South Korean politics with very little record of success, but the one thing investors can be sure of on this front is greater uncertainty regarding policies toward the country's multinationals. Bottom Line: South Korea is experiencing a swing of the political pendulum to the left regardless of who wins the presidential race on May 9. What About Geopolitics? Internationally, Moon, if he wins, will attempt to improve relations with China and North Korea at the expense of the U.S. and Japan. His voter base came of age during the democracy movement of the 1980s and is friendlier toward China and less hostile toward North Korea than other age groups (Chart 20 A&B). Ahn may attempt a similar foreign policy adjustment, but he is less willing to confront the United States. His attempt to woo the youth will constrain any engagement with Pyongyang, since young South Koreans feel the least connection with their ethnic brethren to the north. Given that a Moon presidency would be paired with that of Trump, it would likely precipitate tensions in the U.S.-Korean relationship. News headlines will announce that South Korea is "pivoting" toward China, much in the way that U.S. ally the Philippines was perceived as shifting toward China after President Rodrigo Duterte's election in 2016. This will be an exaggeration, since Koreans still generally prefer the U.S. to China and view North Korea as an enemy (Chart 21). Nevertheless, there is potential for real, market-relevant disagreements. Chart 20Moon's Middle-Aged Constituency Chart 21Constraints On The Sunshine Policy In the short term, the risk is to trade, given the South Korean Left's strain of opposition to the U.S.-Korea free trade agreement (KORUS) and Trump's intention to renegotiate it, or even impose tariffs. Trump is bringing a protectionist tilt to U.S. trade policy - at very least - and he is relatively unconstrained on trade so we consider this a high-level risk over his four-year term in office. Trade tensions could become consequential if South Korea breaks with the U.S. over North Korea, angering the Trump administration. At the same time, South Korea's trade with China (Chart 22) is a risk due to China's secular slowdown, protectionism, and intention to move up the value chain and compete with South Korea in global markets. Chart 22South Korea's Twin Trade Risks In the short and long term, Moon's attempt to revamp Kim Dae-jung's "Sunshine Policy" of economic engagement and denuclearization talks with North Korea could create serious frictions with the U.S. What Moon is proposing is to promote economic integration so that South Korea has more leverage over the North, which is increasingly reliant on China, and also to reduce military tensions via negotiations toward a peace treaty (the 1950-3 war ended with an armistice only). The idea is to launch a five-year plan toward an inter-Korean "economic union." This would begin by re-opening shuttered cooperative projects like the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Mount Kumgang tours and later establish duty-free agreements, free trade zones, and multilateral infrastructure projects that include Russia and China.8 The problem is that any new Sunshine Policy - which is ostensibly a boon for the region's security - will clash with the Trump administration's attempt to rally a new international coalition to tighten sanctions on North Korea to force it to freeze its nuclear and ballistic missile programs. North Korea will want to divide the allies and thus will be receptive to China's and South Korea's offers of negotiations; the U.S. and Japan will not want to allow any additional economic aid to the North without a halt to tests and tokens of eventual denuclearization. How will this tension be resolved? Trump is preparing for negotiations and over the next couple of years the U.S. and Japan are highly likely to give diplomacy at least one last chance, as we have argued in recent reports.9 Eventually, if the U.S. becomes convinced of total collaboration between China and South Korea with the North (i.e. skirting sanctions and granting economic benefits), while the North continues testing capabilities that would enable it to strike the U.S. homeland with a nuclear weapon, some kind of confrontation is inevitable. But first the U.S. will try another round of talks. The "arc of diplomacy" could extend for several years, as it did with Iran (Chart 23), if the North delays its missile progress or appears to do so. Chart 23The 'Arc Of Diplomacy' Can Last For Several Years Despite our belief that the North Korean situation will calm down as diplomacy gets under way, South Korea is seeing rising geopolitical headwinds for the following reasons: Sino-American tensions: U.S.-China competition is growing over time, notwithstanding the apparently friendly start between the Trump and Xi administrations.10 Trump's North Korea policy: The Trump administration has signaled that the U.S. does not accept a nuclear-armed North Korea and the need to maintain the credibility of the military option will keep tensions at a higher level than in recent memory.11 Japanese re-armament: Japanese tensions with China and both Koreas are rising as Japan increases military expenditures and maritime defenses and moves to revise its constitution to legitimize military action.12 The costs of peace: If diplomacy prevails, South Korean engagement with the North still poses massive uncertainties about the future of the relationship, the North's internal stability amid liberalization, whether the transition to greater economic integration will be smooth, and whether the South Korean economy (and public finances) can absorb the associated costs. This is not even to mention eventual unification. Bottom Line: The current saber-rattling around the Korean peninsula is not over yet, but tensions are soon to fall as international negotiations get under way. Still, geopolitical risks for South Korea are rising over the long run. Investment Conclusions The currency will be the first to react to the election results and will send a signal about whether the fall in policy uncertainty is deemed more beneficial than the impending rise in pro-labor policies. Beyond that, the won has been strong relative to South Korea's neighbors and competitors (Chart 24). The Korean central bank is considering cutting rates at a time when fiscal policy is set to expand substantially, a negative for the currency. Chart 24Won Strength, Yen Weakness Therefore we remain short KRW / long THB. Thailand, another U.S. ally, is running huge current account surpluses, is more insulated from U.S.-China geopolitical conflicts, and has navigated tensions between the two relatively well. We expect a relief rally in stocks due to resolution of the campaign and the likelihood of an easing in trade tensions with China. However, this is the only reason we are not yet ready to join our colleagues in the Emerging Markets Strategy in shorting Korean stocks versus Japanese. We will look to put on this trade in future. We do not have high hopes for Korean stocks over the long run due to the headwinds listed above. As for bonds, both Moon's and Ahn's agendas, particularly Moon's, will be bond bearish because they will increase deficits and debt. At the short end of the curve, yields may have reason to fall; but the long end should reflect looser fiscal policy, the worsening debt and demographic profile, and increasing geopolitical risk, whether from conflicts with the U.S. and North Korea, or from the rising odds of a greater future burden from subsidizing (or even merging with) North Korea. Therefore we recommend going long 2-year government bonds / short 10-year government bonds. Russia: Defying Odds Of A Political Crisis Russia has emerged from the oil-price shocks scathed, but unbowed.13 Its textbook macro policy amid a severe recession over the past two years has been exemplary: The government has maintained constant nominal expenditure growth and substantially cut spending in real terms (Chart 25). The fiscal deficit is still large at 3.7%, but it typically lags oil prices (Chart 26). Hence, the recovery in oil prices over the past year should lead to a notable improvement in the budget balance. For 2017, the budget is conservative, as it assumes $40/bbl Urals crude. Chart 25Russia Has Undergone##br## Through Real Fiscal Squeeze... Chart 26...Which Is##br## Now Over Early this year, the Ministry of Finance adopted a new fiscal rule where it will buy foreign currency when the price of oil is above the set target level of 2700 RUB per barrel (the price of oil in rubles at the $40 bbl Urals) and sell foreign exchange when the oil price is below that level (Chart 27). The objective of this policy is to create a counter-cyclical ballast that will limit fluctuations in the ruble caused by swings in oil prices. Chart 27Oil Price Threshold For New Fiscal Rule Chart 28Forex Reserves Have Stabilized The recovery of oil prices and strict macroeconomic policy has allowed Russia to stabilize its foreign exchange reserves (Chart 28), although they remain at a critical level as a percent of broad money supply. However, the GDP growth recovery will be tepid and fall far short of the high growth rates of the early part of the decade (Chart 29). Chart 29Russia: ##br##Recovery Is At Hand Chart 30Inventories Remain Far ##br##Above Average Levels Russian policymakers should be cautiously optimistic. On one hand, they have been able to withstand a massive decline in oil prices. On the other, the situation is still precarious and warrants caution given the delicate situation in oil markets. OECD oil inventories remain elevated and could precipitate an oil-price collapse without OPEC's active oil-production management (Chart 30). From this macroeconomic context, we would conclude that: Russia will abide by the OPEC 2.0 production-cut agreement: While the new budget rule will go a long way in insulating the ruble from swings in oil prices, Russia is still an energy exporter. As such, we expect Russia to play ball with Saudi Arabia and continue to abide by the conditions of the OPEC deal. Thus far, Russia has been less enthusiastic in cutting production than the Saudis, but still going along (Chart 31). Russia will not destabilize the Middle East: While Russia will continue to support President Bashar al-Assad of Syria, its involvement in the civil war will abate. Moscow already began to officially withdraw from the conflict in January. While part of its forces will remain in order to secure Assad's government, Russia has no intention of provoking its newfound OPEC allies with geopolitical tensions. Russia will talk tough, but carry a small stick: Shows of force will continue in the Baltics and the Arctic, but investors should fade any rise in the geopolitical risk premium (Chart 32). It is one thing to fly strategic bombers close to Alaska or conduct military exercises near the Baltic States; it is quite another to act on these threats. In fact, Russia has been doing both since about 2004 and its bluster has amounted to very little with respect to NATO proper. This is because Russia depends on Europe for almost all of its FDI and export demand and it is only in the very early innings of replacing European demand with Chinese (Chart 33). As long as Russia lacks the pipeline infrastructure to export the majority of its energy production to China, it will be reluctant to confront Europe. Chart 31Moscow Will Play ##br##Ball With OPEC Chart 32Fade Any Spike ##br##In Geopolitical Risk Chart 33Russia Relies On Europe;##br## China Not A Replacement As we have posited in the past, energy exporters are emboldened to be aggressive when oil prices are high.14 When oil prices collapse, energy exporters become far more compliant. Nowhere is this dynamic more true than with Russia, whose military interventions in foreign countries have served as a sure sign that the top of the oil bull market is at hand! Bottom Line: We do not expect any serious geopolitical risk to emanate from Russia, despite the supposed souring of relations between the Trump and Putin administrations due to the U.S. cruise-missile strike against Syria.15 And we also do not expect President Putin to manufacture a geopolitical crisis ahead of Russia's March 2018 presidential elections, given that his popularity remains high and that the opposition is in complete disarray. While Russia may continue to talk tough on a number of fronts, investors should fade the rhetoric as it is purely for domestic consumption. Turkey: Deceitful Stability Turkey held a constitutional referendum that dramatically expands the powers of the presidency on April 16.16 The proposed 18 amendments passed with a 51.41% majority and a high turnout of 85%. As with all recent Turkish referenda and elections, the results reveal a sharply divided country between the Aegean coastal regions and the Anatolian heartland, the latter being a stronghold of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Is Turkey Now A Dictatorship? First, some facts. Turkey has not become a dictatorship, as some Western press allege. Yes, presidential powers have expanded. In particular, we note that: The president is now both head of state and government and has the power to appoint government ministers; The president can issue decrees; however, the parliament has the ability to abrogate them through the legislative process; The president can call for new elections; however, he needs three-fifths of the parliament to agree to the new election; The president has wide powers to appoint judges. What the media is not reporting is that the parliament can remove or modify any state of emergency enacted by the president. In addition, overriding a presidential veto appears to be exceedingly easy, with only an absolute majority (not a super-majority) of votes needed. As such, our review of the constitutional changes is that Turkey is most definitely not a dictatorship. Yes, President Erdogan has bestowed upon the presidency much wider powers than the current ceremonial position possesses. However, the amendments also create a trap for future presidents. If the president should face a parliament ruled by an opposition party, he would lose much of his ability to govern. The changes therefore approximate the current French constitution, which is a semi-presidential system. Under the French system, the president has to cohabitate with the parliament. This appears to be the case with the Turkish constitution as well. Bottom Line: Turkish constitutional referendum has expanded the powers of the presidency, but considerable checks remain. If the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) were ever to lose parliamentary control, President Erdogan would become entrapped by the very constitution he just passed. Is Turkey Now Stable? The market reacted to the results of the referendum with a muted cheer. First, we disagree with the market consensus that President Erdogan will feel empowered and confident following the constitutional referendum that gives him more power. This is for several reasons. For one, the referendum passed with a slim majority. Even if we assume (generously) that it was a clean win for the government, the fact remains that the AKP has struggled to win over 50% of the vote in any election it has contested since coming to power in 2002 (Chart 34). Turkey is a deeply divided country and a narrow win in a constitutional referendum is not going to change this. Chart 34Turkey's Ruling Party Struggles To Get Over 50% Of The Vote Second, Erdogan is making a strategic mistake by giving himself more power. It will focus the criticism of the public on the presidency and himself if the economy and geopolitical situation surrounding Turkey gets worse. If the buck now stops with Erdogan, it means that all the blame will go to him in hard times. We therefore do not expect Erdogan to push away from populist economic and monetary policies. In fact, we could see him double down on unorthodox fiscal and monetary policies as protests mount against his rule. While he has expanded control over the army, judiciary, and police, he has not won over the major cities on the Aegean coast, which not only voted against his constitutional referendum but also consistently vote against AKP rule. Events in Turkey since the referendum have already confirmed our view. Despite rumors that the state of emergency would be lifted following the referendum, the parliament in fact moved to expand it by another three months. Furthermore, just a week following the plebiscite, the government suspended over 9,000 police officials and arrested 1,120 suspects of the attempted coup last summer, with another 3,224 at large. This now puts the total number of people arrested at around 47,000. Investors are confusing lack of opposition to stability. Yes, the opposition to AKP remains in disarray. As such, there is no political avenue for opposition to Erdogan. The problem is that such an arrangement raises the probability that the opposition takes the form of a social movement and protest. We would therefore caution investors that a repeat of the Gezi Park protests from 2013 could be likely, especially if the economy stumbles. Bottom Line: The referendum has not changed the facts on the ground. Turkey remains a deeply divided country. Erdogan will continue to feel threatened by the general sentiment on the ground and thus continue to avoid taking any painful structural reforms. We believe that economic populism will remain the name of the game. What To Watch? We would first and foremost watch for any sign of protest over the next several weeks. Any Gezi Park-style unrest would hurt Erdogan's credibility. May Day protests saw police scuffle with protesters in Istanbul, for example. Given his penchant for equating any dissent with terrorism, President Erdogan is very likely to overreact to any sign that a social movement is rising in Turkey to oppose him. It is not our baseline case that the constitutional referendum will motivate protests, but it is a risk investors should be concerned with. Next election is set for November 2019 and the constitutional changes will only become effective at that point (save for provisions on the judiciary). Investors should watch for any sign that Erdogan's or the AKP's popularity is waning in the interim. A failure to secure a majority in parliament could entrap Erdogan in an institutional fight with the legislature that creates a constitutional crisis. Chart 35Turkey Constrained By European Ties Relations with the EU remain an issue as well. Erdogan will likely further deepen divisions in the country if he goes ahead and makes a formal break with the EU, either by reinstituting the death penalty or holding a referendum on the EU accession process. Erdogan's hostile position towards the EU should be seen from the perspective of his own insecurity as a leader: he needs an external enemy in order to rally support around his leadership. We would recommend that clients ignore the rhetoric. Turkey depends on Europe far more than any other trade or investment partner (Chart 35). If Turkey were to lash out at the EU by encouraging migration into Europe, for example, the subsequent economic sanctions, which we are certain the EU would impose, would devastate the Turkish economy and collapse its currency. Nonetheless, Ankara's brinkmanship and anti-EU rhetoric will likely continue. It is further evidence of the regime's insecurity at home. Bottom Line: The more that Erdogan captures power within the institutions he controls, the greater his insecurities will become. This is for two reasons. First, he will increase the risk of a return of social movement protests like the Gezi Park event in 2013. Second, he will become solely responsible for everything that happens in Turkey, closing off the possibility to "pass the buck" to the parliament or the opposition when the economy slows down or a geopolitical crisis emerges. As such, we see no opening for genuine structural reform or orthodox policymaking. Turkey will continue to be run along a populist paradigm. Investment Conclusions BCA's Emerging Market Strategy recommends that clients re-instate short positions on Turkish assets, specifically going short TRY versus the U.S. dollar and shorting Turkish bank stocks. The central bank's net liquidity injections into the banking system have recently been expanded again (Chart 36). This is a form of quantitative easing and warrants a weaker currency. To be more specific, even though the overnight liquidity injections have tumbled, the use of the late liquidity money market window has gone vertical. This is largely attributed to the fact that the late liquidity window is the only money market facility that has not been capped by the authorities in their attempt to tighten liquidity when the lira was collapsing in January. The fact remains that Turkish commercial banks are requiring continuous liquidity and the Central Bank of Turkey (CBT) is supplying it. Commercial banks demand liquidity because they continue growing their loan books rapidly. Bank loan and money growth remains very strong at 18-20% (Chart 37). Such extremely strong loan growth means that credit excesses continue to be built. Chart 36Liquidity Injections Reaccelerating Chart 37Money And Credit Growth Strong Besides, wages are growing briskly - wages in manufacturing and service sector are rising at 18-20% from a year ago (Chart 38, top panel). Meanwhile, productivity growth has been very muted. This entails that unit labor costs are mushrooming and inflationary pressures are more entrenched than suggested by headline and core consumer price inflation. It seems Turkey is suffering from outright stagflation: rampant inflationary pressures with a skyrocketing unemployment rate (Chart 38, bottom panel). The upshot of strong credit/money and wage growth as well as higher inflationary pressures is currency depreciation. Excessive credit and income/wage growth are supporting import demand at a time when the current account deficit is already wide. This will maintain downward pressure on the exchange rate. The currency has been mostly flat year-to-date despite the CBT intervening in the market to support the lira by selling U.S. dollars (Chart 39). Without this support from the CBT, the lira would be much weaker than it currently is. That said, the CBT's net foreign exchange rates (excluding commercial banks' foreign currency deposits at the CBT) are very low - they stand at US$ 12 billion and are equal to 1 month of imports. Therefore, the central bank has little capacity to defend the lira by selling its own U.S. dollar. Chart 38Turkish Stagflation Chart 39Turkey Props Up The Lira We also believe there is an opportunity to short Turkish banks outright. The currency depreciation will force interbank rates higher (Chart 40, top panel). Chart 40Weak Lira Will Push Interbank Rates Higher Historically, currency depreciation has always been negative for banks' stock prices as net interest margins will shrink (Chart 40, bottom panel). Surprisingly, bank share prices in local currency terms have lately rallied despite the headwinds from higher interbank rates and the rollover in net interest rate margin. This creates an attractive opportunity to go short again. Bottom Line: We are already short the lira relative to the Mexican peso. In addition, we are recommending two new trades based on the recommendations of BCA's Emerging Market Strategy: long USD/TRY and short Turkish bank stocks. Dedicated EM equity as well as fixed-income and credit portfolios should continue underweighting Turkish assets within their respective EM universes. Indonesia: A Brief Word On Jakarta Elections President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo saw his ally, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (nicknamed "Ahok"), badly defeated in the second round of a contentious gubernatorial election on April 19. Preliminary results suggest that Ahok received 42% against 58% for his contender, Anies Baswedan, a technocrat and defector from Jokowi's camp whose own party only expected him to receive 52% of the vote. This was a significant setback. Jokowi's loss of the Jakarta government is a rebuke from his own political base, a loss of prestige (since he campaigned to help Ahok), and a boost to the nationalist opposition party Gerindra and other opponents of Jokowi's reform agenda. Ahok is a Christian and ethnic Chinese, which makes him a double-minority in Muslim-majority Indonesia, which has seen anti-Chinese communal violence periodically and has also witnessed a swelling of Islamist politics since the decline of the oppressive secular Suharto regime in 1998. Ahok fell under popular scrutiny and later criminal charges for allegedly insulting the Koran in September 2016 by casting doubt on verses suggesting that Muslims should not be governed by infidels. Mass Islamist protests ensued in November. Gerindra exploited them, as did political forces behind the previous government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and trade unions opposed to the Jokowi administration's attempt to regularize minimum wage increases.17 Ahok's sound defeat shows that the opposition succeeded in making the race a referendum on him versus Islam. Despite the blow, Jokowi's popularity remains intact (Chart 41). The latest reliable polling is months out of date but puts Jokowi 24% above Prabowo Subianto, leader of Gerindra, whom he has consistently led since defeating him in the 2014 election. Jokowi remains personally popular, maintains a large coalition in the assembly, and is still the likeliest candidate to win the 2019 election. Jokowi's approval ratings in the mid-60 percentile are comparable to those of former President Yudhoyono at this time in 2007, and the latter was re-elected for a second term. Moreover Yudhoyono slumped at this point in his first term down to the mid-40 percentile in 2008 before recovering dramatically in 2009, despite the global recession, to win re-election. In other words, according to recent precedent, Jokowi could fall much farther in the public eye and still recover in time for the election. However, Jokowi will now have to shore up his support among voters with a strong Muslim identity, which is a serious weak spot of his, as indicated in the regional electoral data in Table 2. Jokowi relies on two key Islamist parties in the National Assembly. He cannot afford to let opposition grow among Muslim voters at large (notwithstanding Gerindra's own problems working with Islamist parties). Chart 41Jokowi Still Likely To Be Re-Elected In 2019 Table 2Islamist Politics A Real Risk For Jokowi He clearly faces a tougher re-election bid now than he did before. Risks to China and EM growth on the two-year horizon are therefore even more threatening than they were. And since a Prabowo victory would mark the rise of a revanchist and nationalist government in Indonesia that would upset markets for fear of unorthodox economic policies, the political dynamic will be all the more important to monitor. These election risks also suggest that traditional interest-group patronage is likely to rise at the expense of structural economic reform over the next two years. Bottom Line: We remain bearish on Indonesian assets. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri, Research Analyst jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Stephan Gabillard, Senior Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Will Marine Le Pen Win?" dated November 16, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Signs Of An EM/China Growth Reversal," dated April 12, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "EM: The Beginning Of The End," dated April 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Toward A Desynchronized World?" dated April 26, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016; Weekly Report, "How To Play The Proxy Battles In Asia," dated March 1, 2017; and Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, all available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see "Moon Jae-in's initiative for 'Inter-Korean Economic Union," National Committee on North Korea, dated August 17, 2012, available at www.ncnk.org. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "North Korea: Beyond Satire," dated April 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 For our latest feature update on what is one of our major themes, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and EM Equity Sector Strategy, "The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?" dated March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see footnote 7 above. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Geopolitics Of Trump," dated December 2, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia: Entering A Lower-Beta Paradigm," dated March 8, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Forget About The Middle East?" dated January 13, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Trump Re-Establishes America's 'Credible Threat'," dated April 7, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 An original version of this analysis of Turkey appeared in BCA Emerging Market Strategy Weekly Report, "EM: The Beginning Of The End," dated April 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see "Indonesia: Beware Of Excessive Wage Inflation" in BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Turkey: Military Adventurism And Capital Controls," dated December 7, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com.
Highlights Ongoing monetary tightening in China poses a substantial threat to EM risk assets. Yet financial markets remain highly complacent. Mind the gap between EM risk assets and commodities currencies/various commodities prices. Business conditions in EM ex-China will diverge from the U.S. and European economies and recouple to the downside with China's growth. The pillars of the EM business cycle are China, commodities, and their own domestic credit cycle, rather than the U.S. and Europe. Continue shorting/underweighting the Malaysian currency, stocks and sovereign credit. Feature Chart I-1China: Ongoing Liquidity Tightening There is one major underappreciated risk in global financial markets: China's gradual yet unrelenting monetary tightening. Though slow and measured, this policy tightening constitutes a significant risk, particularly for emerging markets. The basis is that it could trigger a disproportionally large negative effect on Chinese growth because it is taking place amid a lingering credit bubble in China.1 Mainland interbank rates and onshore corporate bond yields have risen as the People's Bank of China (PBoC) has reduced its net liquidity injections via open market operations (Chart I-1, top panel). The PBoC's monetary tightening is bound to reduce money/credit growth in China. The bottom panel of Chart I-1 demonstrates that changes in the central bank's claims on commercial banks lead by 3 months asset growth at commercial banks. Diminished liquidity injections by the PBoC will soon push commercial banks to reduce the pace of their balance sheet expansion. Asset growth/loan origination among policy banks2 has already slowed (Chart I-2). On top of this, China's regulatory tightening aimed at curbing speculative (high-risk) financial activity will also curtail commercial banks' loan origination. For example, bank regulators are forcing banks to bring off-balance-sheet assets onto their balance sheets. As a result, money/credit growth is set to decelerate meaningfully. This, in turn, will cause another slump in this credit-addicted economy. It is very probable that the mini-business cycle in China has already reached its peak - our credit and fiscal impulse heralds further drop in the manufacturing PMI (Chart I-3). Chart I-2Commercial Banks And Policy ##br##Banks' Loan Growth To Slow Further Chart I-3China's Growth Has Rolled Over While China's monetary tightening is not a direct risk to domestic demand in the U.S. or Europe, it poses an imminent risk to commodities prices and EM risk assets. Consistent with slowing Chinese manufacturing output growth, commodities prices trading in mainland China have lately tanked. Bottom Line: BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy team maintains that ongoing monetary tightening in China poses substantial risks to EM risk assets and commodities. Yet financial markets remain complacent. Perplexing Complacency It is very perplexing that EM risk assets have so far ignored the risks stemming from China's tightening and renewed relapse in commodities prices. It seems portfolio allocation into risk assets, including those in the EM universe, is pushing prices higher irrespective of a major relapse in forward-looking indicators for both China and EM growth. EM stocks, currencies and credit spreads have decoupled from a number of indicators with which they historically had a high correlation: In recent weeks, we have brought to investors' attention that an unsustainable gap has been opening between the commodities currencies index - an equal-weighted average of AUD, NZD and CAD - and both EM exchange rates and EM share prices in local currency terms (Chart I-4A & Chart I-4B). Chart I-4AHeed The Message From Commodities Currencies Chart I-4BHeed The Message From ##br##Commodities Currencies Not only have commodities currencies decisively rolled over, but also commodities prices have begun sliding. Historically, EM risk assets in general and the sovereign credit market in particular have always sold off when commodities prices have drifted lower (Chart I-5). EM equity volatility is back to its lows (Chart I-6). This corroborates reigning complacency in the marketplace. Chart I-5Commodities Prices And ##br##EM Sovereign Spreads Chart I-6A Sign Of Complacency EM sovereign and corporate spreads have also fallen to their narrowest levels in recent years (Chart I-7). Notably, our valuation model for EM corporate bonds - which is constructed based on our EM Corporate Financial Health Index - posits that EM corporate credit is very expensive (Chart I-8). Chart I-7EM Sovereign And Corporate Spreads Chart I-8EM Corporate Credit Is Expensive Finally, EM local currency bond yield spreads over U.S. Treasurys have also dropped a lot, signifying complacency on the part of EM investors (Chart I-9). Chart I-9EM Local Bond Yield Spreads ##br##Over U.S. Treasurys Are Low Bottom Line: EM financial markets are not cheap, and investors are highly complacent. Mind the gap between EM risk assets and commodities currencies/various commodities prices. Can EM Decouple From China? An oft-asked and relevant question is whether EM ex-China can decouple from China itself. Not for the time being, in our view. On the contrary, as we argued in last week's report titled Toward A Desynchronized World,3 China's slowdown will weigh on the majority of the EM investable equity, currency and credit markets. As a result, growth conditions in EM ex-China will diverge from the U.S. and European economies and recouple to the downside with China's growth. The three pillars of EM ex-China growth are commodities, China and their domestic credit cycles. The primary link is via commodities. As China's growth decelerates and its imports relapse, commodities prices will plunge (Chart I-10). Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, Russia, Malaysia and Indonesia are set to experience negative terms-of-trade shocks as commodities prices deflate. As a result, their currencies will depreciate and growth will suffer. Although Mexico is leveraged to the U.S., oil prices still matter for it. This leaves non-commodities producing economies in Asia and central Europe. The latter is too small to matter for EM benchmarks. Central Europe correlates with Europe's business cycle rather than EM. In emerging Asia, Korea and Taiwan - the largest equity market cap weights after China in the MSCI EM index - sell much more to China than to the U.S. and Europe combined. Korea's shipments to China account for 25% of total exports while those to the U.S. and Europe combined make up 22%. For Taiwan the numbers are 27% and 20%, respectively. Thailand sells to China as much as it does to the U.S. This by and large leaves only three mainstream EM economies that are not substantially exposed to China: India, the Philippines and Turkey (Table I-1). Indian and Philippine stocks are expensive, and these nations confront their own unique problems. Turkey in turn is facing major political, economic and financial predicaments. Chart I-10Industrial Metals Prices To head Lower Table I-1Export To China And U.S. In short, among mainstream EM countries, there are very few plays not exposed to China or commodities and offer a reasonable risk/return profile. Investors also often ask if commodities importing economies in Asia can rally in absolute terms when and as commodities prices drop. Chart I-11 illustrates the Korean and Taiwanese equity indexes have historically (in the past 20 years) been strongly correlated with oil and industrial metals prices. The reason is that commodity price swings partially reflect global growth conditions. Being heavily dependent on exports, Korea and Taiwan are highly sensitive to fluctuations in global growth. We expect global trade to slow down anew, driven by weakness in China/EM imports, even if U.S. and European demand remains resilient. We elaborated on this theme in last week's report.4 Therefore, Korean and Taiwanese export shipments are set to slow as well. We are not bearish on Korean and Taiwanese domestic demand - we are in fact overweight these bourses within the EM equity universe, with a focus on technology and domestic sectors. That said, consumer and business spending in these economies is relatively small in a global context to make a difference for other EM markets. In addition, given these economies' mature phase of development, the pace of their income and domestic demand growth will be moderate. Many EM countries have experienced excessive credit growth in the past 15 years, but their banking systems have not restructured - i.e. banks have not sufficiently provisioned for non-performing loans. Until they do so, domestic loan growth remains at risk of weakening. There has been modest deleveraging in Brazil, Russia and India (Chart I-12). However, there is no evidence that these economies have embarked on a new credit cycle. Chart I-11Korean And Taiwanese Stocks ##br##Correlate With Commodities Chart I-12Some Moderate Deleveraging ##br##In Brazil, Russia And India Case in point are Indian state-owned banks: their experience shows that deleveraging can be more protracted and painful than one might initially expect. The reason is that it takes time for banks to acknowledge non-performing loans, be recapitalized and get ready to boost loan growth again. In addition, Brazil and Russia are still commodities plays at the mercy of commodities price dynamics. Besides, Brazil needs to undergo painful fiscal adjustment/reforms. In other developing countries, bank loan growth remains elevated and bank loan-to-GDP ratios continue to rise (Chart I-13). In these economies, credit retrenchment and even a mild deleveraging has not yet occurred. Prominently, as EM currencies come under downward pressure, interest rates in many economies running current account deficits will be pressured higher. This will lead to a slowdown in bank credit growth and will depress demand. Finally, if it were not for the pick-up in Chinese imports, the EM ex-China business cycle and commodities prices would not have ameliorated in the past 12 months. Notably, excluding China, Korea and Taiwan, developing nations' retail sales volumes and new vehicle sales remain dormant (Chart I-14). Similarly, there has not been much recovery in capital spending and, consistently, imports of capital goods in EM ex-China, Korea and Taiwan (Chart I-15). Chart I-13No Deleveraging In Many EMs Chart I-14EM Ex-China, Korea And Taiwan: ##br##Stabilization But No Revival Chart I-15EM Ex-China, Korea And Taiwan: ##br##Not Much Of Recovery As credit growth slows or fails to pick up in these economies, domestic demand recovery will be tepid, and will certainly disappoint market expectations. Bottom Line: Given budding divergence between U.S./Europe and Chinese growth, EM ex-China growth will fail to recover and will surprise to the downside. The basis is that the pillars of the EM's business cycle are China, commodities and their own domestic credit cycle, rather than the U.S. and Europe. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Special Reports from October 26, 2016, November, 23 2016, and January 18, 2017, the links are available on page 16. 2 Policy banks are China Development Bank, Agricultural Development Bank and Export-Import Bank of China. 3 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report titled, "Toward A Desynchronized World", dated April 26, 2017, link available on page 16. 4 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report titled, "Toward A Desynchronized World", dated April 26, 2017, link available on page 16. Malaysia: Not Out Of The Woods Arenewed relapse in Chinese growth later this year coupled with lower commodities prices will once again expose Malaysia's vulnerabilities. Notably, 26% of Malaysia's exports are related to commodities - mainly crude oil, natural gas, petroleum products and palm oil. Another downleg in the ringgit's value along with lower commodities prices will cause domestic interest rates to rise. However, Malaysia is in no position to tolerate higher interest rates. Leverage has risen considerably in the past ten years in Malaysia, and is very high (Chart II-1A). Indeed, the country has one of the highest debt-servicing costs in the EM universe, according to BIS data (Chart II-1B). Chart II-1A...And Debt Servicing Costs Chart II-1BHigh Leverage... If the Malaysian central bank attempts to cap interest rates by injecting local currency liquidity into the system, the ringgit will plunge even further. Chart II-2 shows that in recent years local interbank rates have tended to rise when the central bank curtailed its net liquidity injection. If on the other hand the Bank Negara of Malaysia (BNM) does not inject liquidity into the banking/financial system, interest rates will rise as the currency depreciates. Interestingly, despite strong inflows into EM generally, the BNM has continued to inject local liquidity into the economy - albeit at a slower pace than in recent years - to keep local rates tame (Chart II-2). Additionally, despite the significant growth slowdown that has occurred in the past two years in Malaysia, banks' NPLs have not risen much (Chart II-3). As banks start acknowledging loan losses and setting provisions for them, their profitability will decline, capital will be eroded, and loan origination will fall. Chart II-2BNM Has Been Injecting Liquidity ##br##To Control Interest Rates Chart II-3Malaysian Banks Haven't ##br##Acknowledged Enough Losses Yet Meanwhile, even though global trade and commodities prices have picked in the past 15 months, Malaysia's economy has failed to recover. This reflects the country's underlying economic vulnerability as the borrowing/credit spree of the past decade has come to a halt: Commercial and passenger vehicle sales are shrinking. Retail trade and employment are also still anemic. Property sales volumes and housing construction approvals are collapsing (Chart II-4). Capital expenditures are depressed (Chart II-4, bottom panel). On the external side, the semiconductor/electronics sector has boomed in Asia since early 2016, but Malaysia has failed to benefit much. Indeed, the recovery in Malaysia's electronics sector has been weak compared to other technology hubs such as Taiwan and Korea. This confirms why Malaysia has been losing market share in electronics products to Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines (Chart II-5). Chart II-4Cyclical Growth Remains Anemic Chart II-5Malaysia Is Losing Tech Market ##br##Share To Its Asian Competitors Bottom Line: Continue shorting MYR versus the U.S. dollar and the Russian ruble. Equity investors should continue to underweight Malaysian stocks within an EM equity portfolio. Relative value traders should maintain our long Russian / short Malaysia equity trade. Buy/hold Malaysian CDS or underweight this sovereign credit market within an EM credit portfolio. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor aymank@bcaresearch.com Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights China/EM growth will decouple (to the downside) from the business cycle in developed markets (DM). Continued demand strength in DM will not prevent a relapse in EM/China growth. EM is much more leveraged to China than to DM. Higher bond yields in DM, a stronger U.S. dollar and weak China/EM domestic demand are bearish for commodities and EM risk assets. A new equity trade: short KOSPI / long Nikkei. Feature In our recent reports1 we have argued that China's growth is likely to relapse again in the second half of this year based on its aggregate credit and fiscal impulse. Chart I-1 illustrates that this impulse leads Korean, Taiwanese, Japanese, German and U.S. aggregate exports to China by six months, and this indicator is reinforcing the message that shipments from these economies to the mainland have peaked and will stumble. Consistently, the bottom panel of Chart I-1 reveals that Chinese imports of capital goods are set to decelerate significantly and probably contract anew by the end of this year or early 2018. If markets are forward looking, they should begin discounting a potential growth slump very soon. Chart I-2 demonstrates that there is a tight correlation between each of these countries' shipments to China and the mainland's credit and fiscal impulse. Chart I-1Chinese Imports To Relapse Chart I-2Exports To China To Weaken In this context, a relevant question is whether the expansion of U.S. and European imports will be sufficient to safeguard the recovery in EM and global trade as China's imports tumble. Our analysis substantiates that domestic demand strength in the U.S. and Europe will boost these economies but will likely not preclude another downturn in EM/Chinese growth and global trade. In brief, China/EM growth will decouple (to the downside) from the business cycle in developed markets (DM). Our basis is that EM and China trade much more with one another, and as such the DM business cycle has become a less important driver. If DM demand holds up as China's imports tumble anew, EM share prices and currencies will underperform their DM counterparts. In this context, our negative view on EM is contingent on a deceleration in China's business cycle rather than a major relapse in DM domestic demand. In the near term, higher bond yields in DM due to strong domestic demand combined with weakness in EM/Chinese growth will reverse the EM rally. EM Is Much More Leveraged To China Than To DM Chart I-3EM Is Leveraged To China Much More Than DM Chart I-3 shows that the relative performance of EM versus DM stocks typically fluctuates with the relative import volume trend between China and DM. This supports our thesis that the EM world is much more leveraged to China than DM. The following considerations certify China's greater importance for EM economies compared to the U.S. and Europe: Table I-1 shows the share of exports going to China and to the U.S. for individual EM countries. The mean for exports to China is 14.6% of total, and 11.3% for shipments to the U.S. These numbers corroborate the fact that developing countries sell more to China than to the U.S. Chart I-4 is constructed using the numbers from Table I-1. It demonstrates that Korea, Taiwan, Chile and Peru are more exposed to China while India, Turkey, and the Philippines are more leveraged to the U.S. We did not include Mexico and central Europe in this chart because the former trades with the U.S. and the latter predominantly with European countries due to their geographical proximity. Table I-1Export To China And U.S. Chart I-4Exposure To China And Exposure To The U.S. Chinese demand is critical for commodities, particularly for industrial metals prices. China consumes 6-7-fold more industrial metals than the U.S. Unsurprisingly, the mainland's credit and fiscal impulse leads industrial metals prices (Chart I-5). At this moment, we are negative on both metals and oil prices, as we view the 2016 rally as a mean-reverting rally in a structural bear market. As commodities prices drop again, commodities-producing nations will suffer from a negative terms-of-trade shock. This is regardless of which countries they export commodities to. There is one global price for each commodity, and when it deflates commodity producing nations are the ones that get hurt - irrespective of whether they sell that commodity to China, the U.S., Europe or the rest of the world. Countries like Korea and Taiwan do not sell commodities, but their largest export destination is still China (Chart I-6). The latter accounts for 25% of Korean and 27% of Taiwanese exports Chart I-5China's Credit And Fiscal##br## Impulse And Industrial Metals Chart I-6Korea And Taiwan: The ##br##Composition Of Exports. Even if we assume that 30% of goods exported to China by Korea and Taiwan are assembled and then re-exported to other countries, the mainland's domestic absorption of Korean and Taiwanese goods is still considerable. Notably, the recovery in Korean, Taiwanese and Japanese exports has been driven more by China than the rest of the world (Chart I-7). Therefore, China's business cycle is also important for some non-commodity producing countries like Korea, Taiwan and others in Asia. China itself has become much more reliant on its credit origination and fiscal spending than on exports in general and exports to DM in particular (Chart I-8). Chart I-7Asia's Exports Recovery Has Largely ##br##Been Driven By China's Demand Chart I-8China Has Become Reliant ##br##On Stimulus Not Exports Finally, Table I-2 exhibits the product structure of Chinese imports. By and large, China imports three categories of goods: various commodities, capital goods and some luxury goods. All three are at risk of a slowdown because they are leveraged to the nation's credit cycle. Table I-2Composition Of Chinese Imports Bottom Line: China's imports are critical not only for commodity producers (Latin America, Russia, Africa, the Middle East and Indonesia) but also for non-commodity economies in Asia. Altogether this comprises most of the EM universe. EM/China's Importance In Global Trade EM/China account for much larger global trade flows than advanced economies. In short, global trade will relapse again if global shipments to China and the rest of the EM universe slump. EM including Chinese imports (but excluding the mainland's imports for re-exports) in U.S. dollars are equal to imports by the U.S., EU and Japan combined (Chart I-9). Chinese imports for processing - imports that are used to manufacture goods for exports - are excluded from the calculation of this chart. Only Chinese imports for domestic consumption are accounted for. Also, this EM aggregate excludes Mexico and central European countries because their manufacturing is intertwined with the ones in the U.S. and EU. Exports to EM countries account for 25%, 28% and 17% of German, Japanese and U.S. exports, respectively. As a share of GDP, exports to vulnerable EM economies stand at 2%, 5% and 5% of U.S., German and Japanese GDP, respectively (Chart I-10). Chart I-9EM Imports Are Equal To Combined##br## Imports Of U.S., EU And Japan Chart I-10Japan And Germany Are More ##br##Exposed To EM Than The U.S. Japan and Germany are much more vulnerable to an EM/China slowdown than the U.S. and the rest of Europe (Europe ex-Germany). China's exports are exposed more to EM than DM. Chart I-11 shows that 45% of Chinese exports are shipped to Asia ex-Japan, 18% to Latin America, Russia, the Middle East, Africa, Australia and Canada and only 18% to the U.S. and 16% to the EU. Capital spending in China and EM ex-China makes up 5% and 5% (together 10%) of global GDP in real terms (Chart I-12). By comparison, EU and U.S. capital expenditures are 5% and 4.5% of world GDP in real terms. Hence, EM and especially China's investment outlays are big enough to matter for the global economy. Chart I-11China Sells More To EM Than DM Chart I-12EM/China Capex Is Large As Chart I-1 indicates, China's imports of industrial goods will soon tumble. Capital goods imports for EM ex-China have revived, but as their bank loan growth slumps the recovery in capital goods imports is likely to be short lived. Bottom Line: Two-pronged trade flows between EM and China are considerable for their own economies as well as global trade flows. Continued demand strength in DM countries will not prevent a relapse in EM/China growth. Market Observations And Conclusions Our conviction is that China's imports are set to dwindle in the second half of this year. This is bearish for commodities producers and Asian economies selling to China. If markets are forward looking, they should begin discounting this now. Moreover, bank deleveraging in EM/China has further to run. Altogether, this leads us to maintain the strategy of underweighting EM risk assets relative to their DM counterparts, and maintaining a negative stance on EM in absolute terms. Furthermore, it appears the U.S. dollar and U.S. bond yields have recently bounced from their technical support levels, and odds are they will rise further (Chart I-13). DM bond yields will move higher for now before the EM/China slowdown becomes visible later this year. For the time being, rising U.S. bond yields and a stronger greenback (versus EM, Asian and commodities currencies) will weigh on EM risk assets. Remarkably, Chinese interest rates are rising and corporate bond prices are plunging as the People's Bank of China continues along a gradual tightening path (Chart I-14). Chart I-13The U.S. Dollar And U.S. Bond Yields To Rise Chart I-14China: Borrowing Costs Are Rising As long as economic data from China and DM remain positive, financial regulators in Beijing are determined to curb leverage and speculative activities in China's credit system. Higher interest rates and regulatory tightening amid the lingering credit bubble are bound to cause meaningful stress in China's financial system and lead to a deceleration in credit growth. EM risk assets are very complacent about this risk. Interestingly, the commodities currencies index - an equal-weighted average of the Australian, New Zealand and Canadian dollars - has already halted its rally and begun depreciating even versus safe-haven currencies like the Swiss franc (Chart I-15). Such poor showing by commodities currencies should be taken seriously because it has occurred at a time when the U.S. dollar has been soft and global share prices have been well bid. As such, we read this message from the commodities currencies as a harbinger of a major top in commodities prices and EM risk assets. There is no reason why EM ex-China currencies should diverge from the commodities currency index this time around (Chart I-16). Chart I-15Commodities Currencies Versus ##br##Safe-Haven Currency Chart I-16EM Currencies ##br##To Tumble In short, we are reiterating our bearish strategy on EM currencies and recommend shorting a basket of the following currencies: ZAR, TRY, BRL, CLP, COP, MYR and IDR versus the U.S. dollar or a basket of the U.S. dollar and the euro. The main risk to our downbeat view on EM risk assets is not EM/China fundamentals but the rally in DM share prices. That said, DM stocks and credit markets were well bid in 2012-2014 yet EM stocks and currencies did very poorly during that period. This could be repeated again in the next couple of months before fundamental problems/weaker growth in China/EM become evident and stem the rally in DM equities too, as occurred in 2015. A New Equity Trade: Short KOSPI / Long Nikkei We have identified a tactical opportunity for a relative equity trade: short Korean / long Japanese stocks, currency unhedged. The Korean won is overvalued versus the Japanese yen, according to the relative real effective exchange rate based on unit labor costs (Chart I-17). This will provide a competitive advantage to Japanese manufacturers and will dent performance of the KOSPI versus the Nikkei. Even though the won could still appreciate versus the yen, equity prices in Japan will still fare better than their Korean counterparts in common currency terms. Japan's more competitive positioning is also reflected in its manufacturing PMI, which is much stronger than Korea's (Chart I-18). This should lead to outperformance of Japanese manufacturers versus their Korean peers. Chart I-17The Korean Won Is Expensive ##br##Versus The Yen Chart I-18Manufacturing PMI: ##br##Korea And Japan Korea is much more exposed to China than Japan. Exports destined to China make up 25% and 18% of Korean and Japanese exports, respectively. In the meantime, combined exports to the U.S. and EU account for 22% of Korea's total exports and 31% of Japan's total exports (Chart I-19). Provided our view that China's growth will disappoint relative to U.S. and EU growth pans out, Japan is in better position than Korea. Japanese policymakers continue to be much more aggressive in reflating their economy than Korean policymakers. Bank loan growth is accelerating in Japan but is slowing in Korea, albeit from a higher level (Chart I-20). Finally, the technical profile of relative performance between Korean and Japanese share prices favors the latter (Chart I-21). Chart I-19Japan And Korea: Structure Of Exports Chart I-20Bank Loan Growth Is Stronger In Japan Than Korea Chart I-21Short KOSPI / Long Nikkei Bottom Line: Short KOSPI / long Nikkei, currency unhedged. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Reports titled, "A Time To Be Contrarian", dated April 5, 2017, "Signs Of An EM/China Growth Reversal", dated April 12, 2017 and "EM: The Beginning Of The End", dated April 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights Chinese capex and EM domestic demand will falter again in the second half of this year. This is not contingent on a growth slowdown in the advanced economies, but due to a further slowdown in bank lending in EM and lower commodities prices. The direction of EM share prices in absolute terms and relative to the S&P 500 is determined by EPS trajectory, not equity valuations. We expect EM EPS to drop in absolute terms and to underperform U.S. EPS. India's deleveraging cycle is well advanced, especially when compared with other EM economies. Maintain an overweight position in Indian equities within the EM universe. Continue betting on yield curve steepening. Stay long the Czech koruna versus the euro. Feature EM/China growth will relapse in the second half of this year. Share prices, presuming they are forward-looking, will roll over beforehand. Chinese interest rates have risen, which typically heralds a downtrend in the mainland's credit impulse and business cycle (Chart I-1). Chinese interest rates are shown as an annual percentage change, inverted and advanced. This is a typical relationship between interest rates and credit cycles, and there is currently no reason why it will play out any differently in China. Given the mainland has a lingering credit bubble, rising borrowing costs and regulatory tightening of banks and the shadow banking system are guaranteed to lead to a relapse in credit origination, and in turn economic growth. China's yield curve has been flattening in recent months. This often precedes a selloff in both EM share prices and industrial metals (Chart I-2). Chart I-1China: Interest Rates ##br##And Credit/Business Cycles Chart I-2A Flattening Yield Curve In China Is ##br##A Bad Omen For EM And Commodities The Chinese yield curve has been experiencing bear flattening - front-end rates have risen more than long-term rates. Bear flattening in yield curves typically occurs before a major top in growth, when current conditions are still robust but the fixed-income market begins to question growth sustainability going forward. A flattening yield curve is consistent with our assessment: a lack of follow-through from last year's stimulus combined with the recent policy tightening will cause growth to downshift materially very soon. EM narrow (M1) money growth has rolled over decisively, and historically it has been a good leading indicator for EM earnings per share (EPS) (Chart I-3). The former has historically led the latter by about nine months. Chart I-3EM EPS To Roll Over In the Second Half 2017 The same is true in the case of China - the M1 impulse (the second derivative of M1) leads industrial profits by about six months and heralds an imminent reversal (Chart I-4). Chart I-4China's Industrial Profit Growth Recovery Is At A Risk The commodities currency index (an equally weighted average of AUD, NZD and CAD) has relapsed against the greenback. This index points to global growth deceleration in the second half of this year (Chart I-5). Similarly, these commodities currencies also lead commodities prices, and presently signal a top in the commodities complex (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Commodities Currencies Signify Weakness In Global Trade Chart I-6Commodities Currencies Point To Relapse In Commodities Prices In EM ex-China, Korea and Taiwan, bank loan growth has still been decelerating despite the global growth recovery of the past 12 months (Chart I-7, top panel). Besides, retail sales volume growth in EM ex-China, Korea and Taiwan has not ameliorated yet (Chart I-7, bottom panel). All of these economic aggregates are equity market cap-weighted. Similarly, auto sales in EM ex-China, Korea and Taiwan have been stabilizing at very low levels but have not recovered at all (Chart I-8). Hence, we infer that domestic demand in EM ex-China has stabilized, but it has not recovered. For example, manufacturing production in Brazil, Russia, South Africa and Indonesia has been rather subdued (Chart I-9). Chart I-7EM Ex-China, Korea And Taiwan: ##br##Domestic Demand Has Not Recovered Chart I-8EM Ex-China, Korea And Taiwan: ##br##Auto Sales Are Stabilizing At Low levels Chart I-9Synchronized Global Recovery? As EM ex-China credit growth decelerates further due to the lingering credit excesses and poor banking system health, their domestic demand will disappoint. This is a major risk to the EM profit outlook. Bottom Line: Chinese and EM domestic demand and by extension corporate earnings will falter again in the second half of this year. This view is not contingent on a growth slowdown in the advanced economies but will be the outcome of further slowdown in bank lending in EM and lower commodities prices. A reversal in Chinese imports from other EM is the link that explains how a relapse in the mainland's growth in the second half this year will hurt the rest of the world in general, and EM in particular. Profits Hold The Key Chart I-10Profits, Not Valuations, Hold The Key Emerging markets' relative performance versus the S&P 500 has historically been driven by EPS (Chart I-10). In the past 12 months, EM EPS has improved modestly but has not outperformed U.S. EPS in U.S. dollar terms. Consistently, EM stocks have failed to outperform the S&P 500 in common currency terms; they have been flat at low levels in the past 12 months. An important message from this chart is that equity valuations are not critical to EM versus U.S. relative equity performance. It is all about corporate profit cycles. The widely held view within the investment community is that EM stocks are cheaper than those in the U.S., and therefore will outperform based on more attractive valuations. The fact that EM stocks are indeed cheaper versus the S&P 500 only reflects the fact that U.S. equity valuations are expensive and EM equity valuations are neutral in absolute terms. Equity valuations may affect the degree of out- and underperformance, but they do not determine the direction of relative performance as vividly illustrated by Chart I-10. The same can be said about EM stocks' absolute performance. Equity valuations do not determine the direction of share prices; the latter rise when profits expand, and fall when EPS contracts. However, valuations affect the magnitude of the move in equity prices: cheap valuations and growing EPS will produce a larger rally compared to neutral equity valuations and identical growth in EPS. We discussed EM equity valuations at great length in our Weekly Report published two weeks ago.1 In absolute terms, EM equity valuations are presently neutral. Therefore, they have no bearing on the direction of share prices. If EM EPS expands, stocks will continue to rally. If EPS growth stalls or turns negative, EM stocks will stumble. As Charts I-3 and I-4 on page 3 illustrate, EM EPS will soon relapse. In addition, U.S. return on equity (RoE) remains well above EM's RoE (Chart I-11), reflecting better equity capital utilization in the U.S. versus the EM. Looking forward, one variable that has had a reasonably good track record in gauging relative performance of EM versus U.S. share prices is the ratio of industrial metals to U.S. lumber prices (Chart I-12). Industrial metals prices are a proxy for economic growth in China/EM, while U.S. lumber prices are indicative of America's business cycle. Industrial metals prices (the LMEX index) have lately underperformed U.S. lumber prices, pointing to renewed EM underperformance versus the S&P 500. Chart I-11EM RoE Is Below U.S. RoE Chart I-12EM Stocks To Underperform The S&P 500 Our view is that EM EPS growth will contract again within a cyclical investment horizon (over the next 12 months). While not all sectors' earnings are set to shrink, our view is that banks' profits will decline driven by credit growth deceleration and a rise in non-performing loans in a number of countries. Besides, commodities producers' EPS will drop anew if, as we expect, commodities prices head south again. Table I-1 illustrates the weights of each EM equity sector within total EM-listed companies' profits. Financials account for 24%, while energy and materials comprise 7.5% each of the aggregate EM equity market cap, respectively. In aggregate, these sectors make up 50% of EM EPS and 40% of the stock index. Table I-1EM Sectors: Equity Market Caps ##br##And EPS's Share Of Total EPS We remain positive on the technology/internet sector's growth outlook. While this sector's weight in terms of both market cap and EPS is very large, it is not yet sufficient to lift the overall EM equity index if other large sectors falter. In fact, technology/internet stocks have already rallied dramatically and are presently overbought. They will likely correct along with the rest of the universe. Nevertheless, we continue to recommend an overweight stance in technology stocks within the EM benchmark. Bottom Line: The direction of EM share prices in absolute terms and relative to the S&P 500 is determined by EPS trajectory, not equity valuations. We expect EM EPS to drop in absolute terms and to underperform U.S. EPS. Consistently, we maintain our long-standing strategy of being short EM / long the S&P 500. Taking Profits On Short Korean Auto Stocks Initiated on July 3, 2013, this recommendation has generated a 35% gain (Chart I-13, top panel). Notably, Korean auto stocks have failed to rally in the past 12 months. Furthermore, Korean auto stocks have underperformed the overall EM equity index by a whopping 22% since our recommendation (Chart I-13, bottom panel). For dedicated investors, we recommend lifting the allocation to this sector from underweight to neutral. In regard to allocation to the KOSPI overall, we maintain our overweight stance within an EM equity portfolio for now. Geopolitical volatility could create near-term disturbance but the primary trend in Korea's relative performance against the EM benchmark is up (Chart I-14). Within the KOSPI, we continue to overweight technology stocks, companies with exposure to DM growth and domestic industries. Meanwhile, companies with exposure to China's capital spending should be avoided. Chart I-13Take Profits On Short ##br##Korean Stocks Recommendation Chart I-14Korean Equities ##br##Relative To EM Overall Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, titled "EM Equity Valuations Revisited", dated March 29, 2017, link available on page 21. India: Beyond De-Monetization The growth-dampening effects from India's de-monetization program are beginning to dissipate. Both services and manufacturing PMIs are recovering (Chart II-1). As more cash is injected back into the system, consumer sector growth will improve. Beyond the recovery in consumption, however, capital spending - the key driver of productivity and non-inflationary growth - is still anemic because of structural reasons that began well before de-monetization was announced (Chart II-2). Chart II-1PMIs Are Recovering Chart II-2Capital Spending Is Depressed Public Banks: Is Deleveraging Advanced? The Indian authorities appear serious about restructuring their public banks, and the banking downturn cycle is likely approaching its final stages (Chart II-3). As and when India's public banks find themselves on more solid footing, industrial credit growth will pick up meaningfully and capital expenditures will follow. The previous credit boom that occurred in the infrastructure, mining, and materials sectors left a large number of failed and stalled projects. Chart II-4 shows the number of stalled projects remains stubbornly high and is not yet declining. These mal-investments have ended up as non-performing loans primarily on public banks' balance sheets: Non-performing loans (NPLs) currently amount to 11.8% and distressed assets (DRA) stand at around 4% of total loans on Indian public banks' balance sheets. This has forced public banks to curtail credit growth to the industrial sector (Chart II-5). Chart II-3Bank Credit Growth Is At All Time Low Chart II-4Plenty Of Projects Stalled Chart II-5Bank Credit Growth To Industries Is Contracting Public banks' NPLs and DRAs have spiked because the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is forcing commercial banks to acknowledge and provision for these bad loans via the central bank's Asset Quality Review (AQR) program. This is eroding public banks' capital and constraining their ability to grow their loan book. However, the program is bullish for India's economy in the long run and stands in stark contrast to other EM countries where authorities are turning a blind eye on banks attempting to window dress their NPLs. India's government and the RBI are currently working with commercial banks and proposing measures to recover loans from defaulters. The government is also injecting capital into public banks. It has announced 100 billion INR in capital injections for this fiscal year and will inject more if needed. It is also forcing banks to raise more capital by ridding their books of non-core businesses. We have performed a scenario analysis on public banks (presented in Table II-1) to gauge their stock valuations. In all scenarios, we assume that DRAs will be constant at 5% of total loans, and also assume a 70% recovery rate on DRAs. We examine various scenarios for NPLs - the latter vary from 12-15% of total loans (the current actual NPL rate is 11.8%). Equity valuations are very sensitive to the recovery rate on NPLs. We stress test for recovery rates of 30%, 40%, 50% and 60%. If one assumes a 12% NPL ratio and a recovery rate of 60%, public bank stocks would be 30% cheap - their adjusted (post provisions, capital impairment, and recapitalization) price-to-book value (PBV) ratio will be 0.7, which is 30% less than its historical mean PBV ratio for public banks of 1.0. By contrast, assuming a 15% NPL ratio and a 30% recovery rate, banks' equity valuations would be 50% expensive - their adjusted (post provisions, capital impairment, and recapitalization) PBV ratio would be 1.5. Table II-1Under/Overvaluation (In %) Of Public Banks Stocks For A Given NPL Ratio And Recovery Ratio* Our bias is to believe that the NPL ratio is somewhere between 14-15% and the recovery rate near 40%. In such a case, public bank stocks would presently be 10-20% expensive. This does not offer a great buying opportunity at current levels, but suggests the downside is probably smaller than in other EM bank stocks. Overall, India is much more advanced in terms of recognizing and provisioning for NPLs as well as re-capitalization of its banking system than many other EM countries. Therefore, we believe India's deleveraging cycle is well advanced, especially when compared with other EM economies. Due to this and the fact that this economy is not exposed to China/commodities prices, we still recommend an overweight position in Indian equities within the EM universe. Inflation And Fixed-Income Strategy While headline inflation is easing due to temporarily lower food prices, core inflation remains sticky. The central government's overall and current expenditures - which often drive inflation - are rising rapidly (Chart II-6). Likewise, state governments' current expenditures are also booming and state development loans - borrowing by state governments - are growing at an extremely fast pace. In addition, in June 2016, the Indian central government announced it will raise salaries, allowances and pensions of government employees by 23%. The central government also raised the minimum wage for non-agriculture laborers by 42% in August 2016, and the Ministry of Labor followed by doubling the minimum wage of agricultural workers in March 2017. All of this will entail accumulating inflationary pressures, even if oil and food prices remain tame. The central bank hiked the reverse repo rate last week to absorb excess liquidity from the banking system. Even though it cited service sector inflation as a concern, we believe it will lag behind accumulating inflationary pressures. This warrants a steeper yield curve. Investors should continue to bet on yield curve steepening by paying 10-year swaps / receiving 1-year swap rates (Chart II-7). Chart II-6Government Expenditures Are Rising Chart II-7Bet On A Yield Curve Steepening Rising inflationary pressures and higher bond yields could weigh on Indian stocks in absolute terms, but will likely not preclude them outperforming the EM equity benchmark. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor aymank@bcaresearch.com Stay Long Czech Koruna Versus Euro On September 28th 2016, we recommended going long CZK / short EUR on the back of expectations that the Czech National Bank (CNB) would abandon its currency peg. Last week, the CNB has floated the koruna. We expect this currency to appreciate versus the euro further and suggest keeping this position. Inflationary pressures in the Czech economy are genuine and heightening. The 1.5% appreciation in the koruna versus the euro since last week will not tighten monetary conditions enough to cap inflation. As such, we expect the CNB to eventually start raising interest rates, leading to further koruna appreciation versus the euro (Chart III-1). The output gap is turning positive, which historically has led to a rise in core inflation (Chart III-2). Chart III-1The Czech Koruna Has More Catch-Up To Do Chart III-2Output Gap And Inflation The labor market is tight - the Czech unemployment rate is the lowest in Europe. Both wages and until labor costs growth are robust and trimmed-mean consumer price inflation is accelerating (Chart III-3). The CNB's foreign exchange reserve accumulation has generated an overflow of liquidity in the Czech financial/banking system (Chart III-4). Chart III-3Inflationary Pressures Are Broad-Based Chart III-4Money And Credit Growth Are Very Strong The rapid expansion of liquidity has led to strong credit growth (Chart III-4, bottom panel), and a rapid appreciation in real estate prices. This warrants higher interest rates to prevent the formation of a bubble. Furthermore, the Czech economy has been benefiting from the recovery in European economic growth in general and manufacturing in particular. Tourist arrivals have also been robust. Notably, the nation's current account surplus stands at 1% of GDP. Chart III-5The Koruna Is Mildly Cheap With regards to currency valuations, the koruna is silently cheap and as such has further room to appreciate (Chart III-5). Either the koruna will gradually appreciate over the next few months, tightening monetary conditions to an extent where the CNB does not need to hike interest rates, or the CNB is eventually forced to hike rates considerably. The latter will push up the value of the Czech currency. We suspect that the CNB is still intervening in the forex market in order to prevent a dramatic appreciation in the koruna. The central bank has stated in its last press conference that it stands ready to intervene to mitigate exchange rate fluctuations if needed. However, in an economy with open capital account, the central bank cannot target the exchange rate and interest rates simultaneously. If the CNB desires to cap inflation, it has to hike interest rates or allow the currency to appreciate considerably. If it chooses the former, the koruna will still rally dramatically. Bottom Line: Stay long the Czech koruna versus the euro. Stephan Gabillard, Senior Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights Tensions are still high between the U.S. and China; China's neighbors are in the line of fire; Korea and Taiwan stand to suffer; We are bullish Thailand, Vietnam, and the Philippines; We are bearish Indonesia and Malaysia. Feature Over the past two weeks we have taken clients on a tour through Europe, where we think political and geopolitical risks are generally overstated in the short term. This provides ample room for European financial assets to outperform this year.1 This week we turn to Asia Pacific, where the situation is quite different. We see this region as the chief source of geopolitical "Black Swans," mainly due to rising U.S.-China tensions, which we have highlighted since 2012.2 While U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping have recently reassured the world that relations will be cooperative and stable, it is far too soon to declare that the two have resolved anything substantial. While we have addressed U.S.-China relations before, it is essential to watch the rest of EM Asia, where proxy battles between the U.S. and China continue to play out.3 If the Philippines shocked the world in 2016 by pivoting away from the U.S. and toward China, South Korea is the country that will do the same in 2017. In this report, we review the opportunities and risks afforded by this regional dynamic. I. Will Trump And Xi Cool Their Heels? Fundamentally, geopolitical risk in Asia Pacific is driven by the "Thucydides Trap," a struggle between the established regional and global power (the United States), and an emerging power that seeks to rewrite the region's geopolitical order (China).4 This dynamic emerged well before President Donald Trump's election.5 Trump is an unpredictable agent thrown into a structural dynamic. His election on an avowed platform of protectionism, his comments singling out China as a U.S. threat, and his break with the U.S. foreign policy establishment all suggest that the secular rise in Sino-U.S. tensions is about to get worse.6 Yet, since taking office, Trump has sent mixed signals. On the one hand, he threatens a policy of isolationism that would see the U.S. withdraw from its global security commitments. On the other hand, he has threatened to escalate geopolitical conflicts in order to get what he wants on business and trade. Table 1Market Implications Of ##br##Trump's Options Toward China As Table 1 illustrates, it is extremely important for investors which of these foreign policies Trump ultimately pursues - nationalist or isolationist - and whether he combines it with the trade protectionism (or mercantilism) that he has threatened. In the short term, the most bullish combination would be the economic status quo with a scaled-down U.S. presence. The most bearish would be mercantilism combined with nationalist foreign policy. Trump's recent interchanges with Xi were notable because for once he adhered to diplomatic protocol. He and Xi gave some initial - and we would add tentative - assurances to the world that Sino-U.S. relations will not explode in a ball of flames this year: Taiwan - Trump reaffirmed the One China Policy, i.e., that Taiwan has no claim to independence from the mainland. Trump's phone call with the Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen in December, and subsequent comments, had put this principle in doubt, raising the prospect of a new Cold War or actual war. North Korea - China has offered to enforce a stringent new set of economic sanctions on North Korea, namely barring coal imports for 2017. This is significant, given the short duration of China's previous punitive measures against the North and the hit that North Korean exports have already suffered from China's slowing economic growth (Chart 1). The Obama administration had begun sanctioning China as a result of its unwillingness to enforce, so with enforcement may come the Trump administration's deactivation of such threats for a time. The RMB - Trump did not accuse China of currency manipulation on "day one" of his administration as he had promised during his campaign, though he has informally called the Chinese the "grand champions" of manipulation.7 This strongly suggests that he will allow the Treasury Department's semi-annual foreign exchange review process to run its course (Diagram 1). On that time frame, the U.S. would issue a warning in the April report and then begin negotiations that legally should take a year. Of course, China does not qualify by the usual measures. Since 2015 it has been propping up its currency rather than suppressing it (Chart 2), and its current account surplus has dropped sharply from 10% to 2% of GDP over the past ten years (though still massive in absolute terms). Diagram 1Calling China A Currency Manipulator: The Process The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) - Trump yanked the U.S. out of the major multilateral trade initiative of the Obama administration, which was an advanced trade deal that excluded China and primarily benefited smaller Chinese competitors like Vietnam and Malaysia. Though Trump acted unilaterally - and therefore cannot have gotten any real concessions from China in exchange for killing an "anti-China" trade deal - he avoided the frictions with China that would have resulted over the coming years from implementing the deal. Chart 1Will China Cut Imports From Here? Chart 2The 'Grand Champions' Of Currency Manipulation In addition, the Trump administration is already embroiled in domestic politics with a number of its early actions. Thus it would not surprise us if Trump - exactly like Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, and George W. Bush - needed to pacify relations with China despite his early tough talk. Meanwhile President Xi wants stability even more than usual this year as the Communist Party holds its "midterm" five-year National Party Congress. We will return to the party congress in an upcoming report, but for now we will simply reiterate that stability means neither excessive stimulus nor excessive reform (Chart 3). Chinese policymakers could trigger unintended consequences with their financial tightening, but that's why we think they will be exceedingly cautious.8 If Trump does not try to sabotage this politically sensitive year, China should be relatively stable. Chart 3China Wants Stability, Not Speed, Ahead Of Five-Year Party Congress So have U.S.-China ties become bullish all of a sudden? No. At least, not yet. Consider the following: South China Sea still a powder keg - On both sides, the idea of excluding "access" to the sea is being openly discussed, if disavowed.9 While there is conceivably a path for both sides to de-escalate, it will take very tough negotiations, and we are not there yet. Trade fight hasn't even begun - Though previous presidents got sidetracked, Trump was the first to campaign aggressively on a protectionist, anti-China platform, and to put a team in place to pursue that platform.10 We think he will get tough. We also think he will endorse the House Republicans' plan of a Border Adjustment Tax - a tax on imports - which would hurt China most of all as the country with the biggest trade surplus with the U.S.11 Japan is proactive - Japan has virtually no domestic political constraints and has an incentive to play up security threats. Why? Because Prime Minister Abe wants a nationwide popular referendum on revising the constitution to legitimize the Japanese Self-Defense Forces.12 And this is not even to mention that Taiwan and the Koreas are still major risks. Structurally, we still see Sino-U.S. tensions as the chief source of geopolitical risk and "Black Swan" events this year that could rattle markets in a very big way. Bottom Line: A modus vivendi between Trump and Xi is conceivable, but the U.S. and China are not out of the woods yet. II. What About The Neighbors? Short of the formidable "left-tail" risk of direct U.S.-China conflict, China's periphery is the chief battlefield and source of risk for investors. Asian EM economies have the most to risk from the reversal of the past decade's trade globalization (Chart 4). Investors also tend to underrate the fact that they are in the thick of the geopolitical risk arising from Sino-U.S. tensions and global "multipolarity" more broadly.13 A look across the region suggests that most Asian EM economies are shifting their policy to become more accommodative with China. This should reduce their geopolitical risk in the short term, though it is too soon to sound the "all clear." We remain strategically short EM stocks relative to DM. Within the EM space, we are bullish on Thailand, less so on the Philippines and Vietnam, and neutral-to-bearish on Taiwan, South Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Chart 4De-Globalization Hurts Asia Pacific Most Of All Koreas - Here Comes The Sunshine Policy South Korea is at the center of the U.S.-China struggle as it faces a domestic political crisis, economic pressure from China, rising North Korean nuclear and missile capabilities, and a likely clash with the new U.S. administration. First, the Constitutional Court must decide the fate of impeached President Park Geun-hye. The market has rallied since the ruling Saenuri Party turned against her in early December, paving the way for her December 9 impeachment in the assembly. However, the politics of the court makes her removal from office less likely than the market expects, especially if the court does not rule by March 13, when a second judge this year retires from the bench.14 If the impeachment falters, it will lock South Korea into greater political instability throughout the year, at least until the scheduled election on December 20. Chart 5Leftward Policy Shift In South Korea ... However, it is virtually impossible for the Saenuri Party candidate, Acting President Hwang Kyo-Anh, to win the election, despite his fairly strong polling (Chart 5). His party has been discredited and split, and there are now calls for his impeachment as he defends Park from further investigation. The leading contenders are all left-of-center. They are contending in a primary election over how to redistribute wealth, crack down on the Chaebol (corporate conglomerates), engage North Korea, and improve relations with China. These policies are receiving a tailwind because Korean society has seen the economic system shocked by the end of the debt supercycle in the United States and the slowdown in China. Moreover, inequality has been rising in Korea (Chart 6). As in neighboring Taiwanese elections last year, the election is shaping up to be a backlash against the pro-trade and globalization policies of the preceding decade. Korea's share of global exports has increased, and its tech companies are profitable, but the government has engaged in conservative fiscal policies, its workers are overworked and underpaid, and its social safety net is non-existent (Chart 7). Redistribution and reforming the Chaebol could bring serious benefits over the long run, but both will negatively affect corporate profits on the margin. Internationally, improving relations with North Korea and China will mean that the new South Korean government, in H2 of this year or H1 of next, could be on a collision course with the United States and especially Japan. We expect Korea to go its own way for a time, giving the impression globally that another American ally is "pivoting to China" (after the Philippines in 2016).15 While this may seem bullish for Korea, as it did for the Philippines due to the fact that China is a growing economy, Korean exports to the U.S. and Japan are still a significant portion of its total exports (Chart 8). Korea is also constrained by the fact that China is increasingly a trade competitor, and Korea's exports to China mainly consist of goods that China wants to make itself: high-end electronic manufacturing, cars, and car parts. Thus, China will welcome greater ties as it looks for substitutes for the increasingly protectionist West in acquiring technology and expertise, but Korea's new government will see rising fears of economic "absorption" as it attempts to improve access to Chinese markets. Chart 6... As Inequality Has Risen Sharply Chart 7Workers Want More Largesse Chart 8Korea's Balancing Act What are the market implications? South Korea is in a decent place in the short run. Global growth, exports, and corporate earnings are improving, and stock valuations have come down, especially relative to EM. Over the long run, however, we are turning bearish. Korean labor productivity is in a downtrend (Chart 9), its population is not growing, and there is no reservoir of young people left to tap. There are three basic options for securing future growth. First, Korea could become a net investor nation like Japan (Chart 10). However, it is not yet wealthy enough to do so, and needs to build the aforementioned social safety net. Second, South Korea could reunify with the North, which would alleviate its labor force problems, though the costs of reunification would be extreme (Chart 11). Chart 9Reforms On Hold Until New Government Sits Chart 10Korea's Japanese Dream Chart 11Reunification Would Increase Labor Force Third, it could continue on its current path of trying to secure large markets like the U.S. and China, while conducting a balancing act between them as geopolitical tensions rise. The problem right now is that the first two options are not ready and the balancing act is getting too hard, too soon. The South stands to suffer from both protectionism and multipolarity, i.e., being sandwiched between resurgent Sino-U.S. and Sino-Japanese tensions. Furthermore, the Trump administration has not yet decided whether its North Korea policy will be one of engagement, aggression, or continued neglect. Yet the U.S. defense and intelligence establishment's threat assessment is reaching a level that will cause greater public concern and more demand for action. Until Trump's policy is clear, South Korea's attempts to launch a new "Sunshine Policy" toward eventual reunification will be extremely vulnerable. Over time, North Korea is likely to become more of a black swan than the red herring it has been in the past (Chart 12). Chart 12North Korean Incidents: Mostly Red Herrings Bottom Line: Now is ostensibly a good entry point for Korean stocks relative to EM stocks, but we remain reluctant due to the political and geopolitical factors. Also, the path of least resistance for the Korean won is down, so we recommend going long THB/KRW, discussed further below. Taiwan - "One China" Or More? Our prediction that China-Taiwan relations would deteriorate dramatically, and that Taiwan could be one of five "Black Swans" of 2016, has essentially played out.16 The two sides cut off formal contact, Trump accepted a phone call from the Taiwanese president in a sharp break with U.S.-China convention, and the Taiwanese navy accidentally fired a missile toward the mainland during a drill on the Chinese Communist Party's 95th birthday on July 1. Despite the tensions, hard data coming out of Taiwan have been strong. Its export-oriented economy is buoyed by strong global growth. Both its equities and currency are the few bright spots in the EM universe and investors have been responding positively to the strong data (Chart 13). Yet Taiwan remains highly vulnerable to geopolitical tensions, as its economy is "too open," especially to China. China has imposed discrete economic sanctions, as we expected. The number of mainland tourists to Taiwan have dropped by 50% (Chart 14). This trend will continue, hurting consumer sentiment. While Trump has backed away from his threat to break the One China Policy, a move markets view as very reassuring, he cannot unsay his words and China will not forget them. Moreover, his administration will attempt to shore up the U.S.-Taiwan alliance in traditional ways, including with new arms sales that will provoke angrier responses than in the past from Beijing (Chart 15). Chart 13Investors Do Not Fear Independence Talk Yet Chart 14China's Silent Sanctions Chart 15Plenty More To Come Crucially, Taiwan's domestic politics are not a major constraint on its actions, which heightens the risks of a cross-strait "incident." The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is in control at almost every level of government on the island. President Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP swept to power on a popular mandate to stall and roll back trade liberalization with China, which the public felt had gone too far under the previous Kuomintang government. Perhaps if Trump had never entered the picture, Taiwan and China would have found a new equilibrium in which Taiwan distanced itself while assuring the mainland it did not seek independence. Now, however, the odds of that solution are declining. Taipei may become overly aggressive if it believes Trump has its back, and this dynamic will ensure continuous Chinese pressures and sanctions, all negative for Taiwanese assets. Bottom Line: Despite the fact that Taiwan's economy has some bright spots (exports, capital formation), we are sticking with our "One China Policy" trade of going long Chinese equities / short Taiwanese and Hong Kong equities. BCA's China Investment Strategy agrees with this call and is shorting Taiwanese stocks relative to its mainland counterparts.17 We expect China to penalize these territories for expressing the desire for greater autonomy. We also suggest going short the Taiwanese dollar versus the Philippine peso, to be discussed further below. Thailand - The Junta's Persistence Is Bullish For most of the past fifteen years, the death of Thailand's King Bhumibol Adulyadej, which occurred on October 13 of last year, was feared as a catalyst for a total breakdown of law and order due to the deep socio-political and regional division in Thai politics that has pitted an urban royalist faction against a rural populist faction. But the 2014 coup was intended to preempt the king's death and ensure that the royalist, pro-military faction held firm control over the country during the risky succession period. The market responded positively during the coup in 2014 and upon the king's death last year (Chart 16). We recommended going long Thai stocks and THB last October, in a joint report with BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy, and both trades are in the black.18 Chart 16Thailand: Investors Cheered The Succession Crisis The junta's strategy has been to root out the leaders of the populist movement and rewrite the constitution to legitimize its ability to intervene in the future. The new monarch has cooperated with the military so far, upholding the status quo, but if at any point he favors the populists to the detriment of the military, political uncertainty will spike from its current historically low levels (Chart 17). The junta is fully in charge for the time being. It has pushed back elections to February 2018 or later, delaying the re-introduction of political instability into the Thai market. It is also surging public spending and transfers to the rural poor to ensure social stability. Historically, strong public capital investment and global exports coincide with strong Thai manufacturing output (Chart 18). Favorable domestic and external macro environments should be bullish for Thai equities, creating a near-term buying opportunity in the Thai market. Chart 17Junta Keeps A Lid On Politics... Chart 18... And Buys Friends With Public Money Thailand is distant from China's quarrels with its neighbors over the South China Sea. It was the first of the U.S. allies to hedge against President Obama's pivot and seek better relations with China instead, a strategy that has paid off. Thailand, like many regional actors, may be forced to choose between China and U.S. at some point, but for now it enjoys the best of both worlds. With a fundamentally strong macro-backdrop, including a large current account surplus of 12% of GDP, we are bullish on Thai assets relative to EM. Bottom Line: Thailand is the most attractive Asian EM economy right now from an investment-oriented geopolitical point of view. It is not too late to go long THB/KRW or long Thai stocks relative to EM. Philippines - The War On Drugs Is A Headwind The Philippines continues to display strong macro-fundamentals and market momentum in the EM universe. However, domestic political risks are significant and prevent us from returning to an overweight stance relative to EM.19 The inauguration of populist southerner Rodrigo Duterte as president of the Philippines in July of last year led the country into a bloodbath that has since claimed over 7,000 lives in a "war on drugs." Only recently has it shown any sign of abating, and it is not clear that it will. The political backlash is gradually building. Duterte's policy preferences are left-leaning and mark a partial reversal of the pro-market, reform orientation of the preceding Aquino government.20 As a result, foreign investment has dropped off from its sharp rise, though it remains elevated (Chart 19). The Philippines may also fall victim to its own success. Due to the booming economy under the Aquino presidency, bank loans and deposits have enjoyed strong growth in recent years. However, the loan-to-deposit ratio is getting overextended and the economy is showing signs of heating up with inflation creeping above 2% in 2016 (Chart 20). Populist policies and the advanced cyclical expansion may add more heat. Thus, it is becoming more likely that monetary policy will tighten as the economy moves into the advanced stage of its cyclical expansion. Duterte could create a problem if at any point he decides to interfere with the central bank or technocratic management of the economy more broadly. In terms of geopolitical risk, Duterte is engineering a pivot away from the United States toward Russia and China, aggravating relations with the former, its chief ally (Chart 21). As relations with China improve, they will bring some investment in infrastructure and a calming of the near seas. Chart 19Duterte Marked The Top Chart 20Credit Is Strong, Inflation Creeping Back Chart 21Duterte's 'Pivot' To Asia Ultimately, however, we view this calming as temporary, since China's assertiveness is a long-term phenomenon. We also think that the fundamental U.S.-Philippine alliance will survive any major disagreements of the Duterte era. Duterte is constrained by his weakness in the Philippine Senate and the popularity of the United States among Filipinos, which is among the highest in the world. In essence, the public is not anti-American but "anti-colonialist" - many feared that the U.S. "Pivot to Asia" of the Obama and Aquino administrations would put the Philippines into a subordinate "colonial" role highly vulnerable to Chinese aggression. Like other U.S. allies in the region, the Philippines wants to be a partner of the U.S. and not just a naval base. Thus, for now, we see the Philippines in a gray area of frictions with the U.S. yet disappointing hopes with regard to China. Until Duterte removes the headline risk to internal stability from his belligerent law and order policies - and compromises on his more anti-market economic stances - we are at best open to tactical possibilities. Bottom Line: Considering its strong macro-fundamentals, advanced cyclical expansion, and politically driven uncertainty, we are only willing to entertain short-term, tactical opportunities in the Philippines. Now is a decent entry point for equities relative to EM. Also, our colleagues at BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy point out that the peso is currently trading at a 10% discount.21 We recommend going long the peso versus the Taiwanese dollar to capitalize on the dynamics outlined for both countries above. Indonesia - A Dream Deferred Indonesia outperformed our expectations throughout 2016.22 President Joko Widodo ("Jokowi") managed to corral his party behind him despite an internal leadership struggle. And the large bureaucratic party, Golkar, joined his coalition in parliament, creating a strong legislative majority. These were our two preconditions for a more effective government; Jokowi has also found allies within the military, as we surmised. As a result, he managed to make some progress on his tax-raising, union-restraining, and infrastructure-building initiatives. Nevertheless, the market has sniffed out the difference between a pro-reform government and the enormous difficulties of pulling off reform in Indonesia. Long-term investment has fallen even as short-term portfolio investment has rallied on the back of the EM reflation trade (Chart 22). While Jokowi reduced the size of costly domestic fuel subsidies in his first year, it was easy to do so amid the oil-price collapse in 2014. Since then, Indonesian retail gasoline prices have remained subdued, indicating that subsidies are still significant. As the global oil prices continue increasing, so will the subsidy (Chart 23), adding to the country's budget deficit. Jokowi also put forth minimum-wage reforms in 2015, introducing a formula which requires the minimum wage to be adjusted every year based on inflation and economic growth (rather than ad hoc negotiations with local unions and governments). Predictably, wages have skyrocketed since the indexing policy was implemented, which is negative for profit margins (Chart 24). Chart 22Investors Skeptical Of Jokowi's Reforms Chart 23Fuel Subsidies Still In Effect Chart 24No Wage Rationalization Yet Indonesia is on the outskirts of China's claims in the South China Sea and has a domestically driven economy that should suffer less than that of its neighbors in a context of de-globalization. In that sense, we are inclined to view it favorably. However, its currency is at risk from twin deficits - current account and budgetary reforms have stalled, and the credit impulse is weakening. If Jokowi's favored candidate wins the heavily contested gubernatorial run-off in Jakarta in April, it will not be very bullish, but a loss would be bearish for Jokowi's reform agenda ahead of the 2019 elections. Bottom Line: We are still short Indonesia within the EM space - its underperformance since the second half of last year can persist. Vietnam - No American Guarantee Vietnam is highly vulnerable to a geopolitical conflict with China which would impact markets. Unlike the Philippines and Thailand, it cannot count on an underlying bedrock of American defense to anchor its pivot toward China - and yet, it has the greatest historical and territorial conflicts with China of all the Southeast Asian states. Chart 25Fighting In The Teeth Of The Dragon Nevertheless, in the short term, geopolitical risks are abating. Relations have improved since a recent low point in 2014.23 And Vietnamese leaders, having invested heavily in the TPP as the trade pact's biggest potential beneficiaries, are trying to make amends with China now that it is canceled. Thus, we remain long Vietnamese equities relative to EM. This is mostly due to the country's strong domestic demand and export competitiveness (Chart 25), attractive environment for foreign investment, and ability to capitalize on diversification away from China. The country's reforms are not perfect, but it has at least recognized NPLs and begun privatizing some SOEs. Bottom Line: We are sticking with long Vietnamese equities versus EM, though downgrading it to a tactical trade due to our wariness of a turn for the worse in China relations or the broader trade environment. Malaysia - Going To The Pawnshop Malaysia, with Vietnam, was to be the top beneficiary of the TPP. It, too, has lost greater access to the U.S. market that the deal would have provided and must now make amends with China. The latter process has already begun, as Malaysia's government has turned to China for a $33 billion deal in exchange for energy assets and valuable land in the state of Johor. The general election of 2013 and the economic slowdown have catalyzed domestic political divisions, especially ethnic and religious ones, igniting a drastic push over the past two years to have Prime Minister Najib Razak ousted for his alleged embezzlement of funds from the state-owned 1MDB corporation. Najib chose to crack down on the opposition and ride out the storm, which he has managed so far, causing unprecedented political instability. Najib's decision to sell land to the Chinese will not sit well with much of the Malay population. Many will see it as undignified; and historically, there is much animosity toward the local Chinese. Najib already faces an intense political struggle due to the exodus of high-ranking politicians from his ruling United Malay National Organization (UMNO). Former strongman leader Mahathir Mohammad and ex-Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin are leading the defectors to form a new Malay party that will pose a serious challenge in the 2018 elections. Recent flirtation between the ruling UMNO and the Islamist Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS) also injected new uncertainty into the already turbulent domestic political environment. In essence, the one-party state that investors once knew (and loved) is forming new factions that will contest the upcoming elections with abandon. Chart 26Growth Slowing, Credit Drying Up This struggle over the 2018 election promises to be emphatically unfriendly to investors. And until Najib gets a new mandate, he can do very little to arrest the economic breakdown. As long as the support and continuity of Najib's policies are in question, it is difficult to take a directional view of Malaysian assets. A victorious UMNO does not mean that investors should be bullish, but it will resolve the question of "Who is in charge?" At that point, we can reassess the market attractiveness based on the higher "certainty" of the policy preferences of the country. Meanwhile the constraints to Malaysia's economy are clear from a host of weak data, from domestic trade to the property market to the current account and the currency, along with a rise in NPLs that will undermine the inadequately provisioned banks' willingness to lend (Chart 26). While palm oil and petroleum prices have recovered, which is positive for Malaysian markets, this is not enough to outweigh the negative factors. Bottom Line: We are bearish on Malaysian assets and currency. Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri, Research Analyst jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Climbing The Wall Of Worry In Europe," dated February 15, 2017, and BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "A Fat-Tails World," dated February 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Looming Conflict In The South China Sea," dated May 29, 2012, available at gis.bcaresearch.com, and BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think," dated October 4, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Graham Allison, "The Thucydides Trap: Are The U.S. And China Headed For War?" The Atlantic, September 24, 2015, available at www.theatlantic.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Underestimating Sino-American Tensions," dated November 6, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Geopolitics Of Trump," dated December 2, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Trump, Day One: Let The Trade War Begin," dated January 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Be Aware Of China's Fiscal Tightening," dated February 16, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 9 In the short time since Trump's and Xi's phone call, the U.S. has announced that it intends to intensify the Freedom of Navigation Operations around the rocks in the South China Sea to assert its rights of navigation and overflight. Meanwhile Chinese lawmakers have revealed that they want to pass a new maritime law by 2020 that would encourage maritime security forces to bar foreign ships from passing through Chinese "sovereign" waters if they are ill-intentioned. 10 Trump's Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin was only just confirmed by the Senate and could not have taken any significant action yet. His appointees, notably Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, National Trade Council chief Peter Navarro, and U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer, are China hawks. If not currency, Trump's team will rotate the negotiations to focus on China's capital controls and failure to liberalize the capital account, its lackadaisical cuts to industrial overcapacity, and the negative business environment for U.S. firms. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Will Congress Pass The Border Adjustment Tax?" dated February 8, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com, and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Border Adjustment Tax: A Potential Monster Issue For 2017," dated January 20, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 12 The first nationwide evacuation drill in the event of a North Korean missile attack will take place sometime in March of this year. 13 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Multipolarity And Investing," dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Bringing the total number of judges from nine to seven, and thus reducing the threshold for a vote in favor of retaining Park in office from four to two, for constitutional reasons. All but one of the judges were appointed by Park or her party's predecessor. 15 For instance, if the new administration reverses the deployment of the U.S. Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system, it will provoke a crisis with the U.S., but if it does not, China will continue its underhanded economic sanctions on the South, and the new South Korean president's North Korean policy will be stillborn. 16 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Reports, "Taiwan's Election: How Dire Will The Straits Get?" dated January 13, 2016, and "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Taiwan's 'Trump' Risk," dated February 2, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see "Thailand: Upgrade Stocks To Overweight And Go Long THB Versus KRW," in BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "The EM Rally: Running Out Of Steam?" dated October 19, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Philippine Elections: Taking The Shine Off Reform," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 For instance, he is imposing controls on the mining sector that will scare away investors, in an echo of Indonesia's mining fiasco implemented since 2013, and he is working on eliminating a "contract worker" system that enables employers to avoid the costs of full-time hiring. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Philippine Elections: Taking The Shine Off Reform," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 21 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "Updating Our Long-Term FX Value Models," dated February 17, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Stick To Long Modi / Short Jokowi," dated November 23, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 Vietnam has moved toward better crisis management with China since the HYSY-981 incident in 2014, when a clash broke out over a mobile Chinese oil rig in the South China Sea. Significantly, the Vietnamese Communist Party's leaders removed former Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung, the highest-ranked China hawk and pro-market reformer on the Politburo, in the January 2016 leadership reshuffle.