Geopolitics
The SPX has broken out to fresh recovery highs defying recent rising political and geopolitical risks. The reopening of the economy is the primary driver of renewed market euphoria, along with the ongoing easy fiscal and monetary policies. Sentiment is not as extended as at the February SPX peak or previous SPX peaks in the past few years. However, greed is slowly showing up on our radar screens as investors that have missed out on the rally are chasing performance and also there is an added element of a short squeeze. One potential negative catalyst that could cause a healthy reset is the rise in the polls of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ahead of the November elections. The chart shows that over the past year the S&P 500 has moved in lockstep with the relative odds of a Republican versus a Democrat getting elected President. In truth, the online gambling community has been slow to react to the erosion of President Trump’s platform due to pandemic and recession – so his odds could fall further in the near term. At the margin, a Biden win should be negative for the stock market as he is perceived as more hostile to businesses and the specter of higher taxes could trip up the SPX. Our Geopolitical Strategy has highlighted this risk in recent reports, including on May 15.1 Bottom Line: While we remain constructive on the SPX over the coming 9-12 month time horizon, a flare in geopolitical risks and uncertainty around the upcoming election could serve as catalysts for a much needed breather in equities. Footnotes 1Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, “Michelle, Amash, Trump, Biden” dated May 15, 2020, available at gps.bcaresearch.com
Highlights There are no atheists in foxholes, and no Austrians ahead of this election: Republican senators and White House staffers may grumble about giveaways, but they cannot risk being painted as the Grinch who Stole Essential Services in the homestretch of the campaign. A Biden victory will mean a leftward swing: Our geopolitical strategists believe markets are underestimating the extent to which a Biden victory would lead to a less friendly backdrop for investment capital. Tensions with China are likely to escalate: China-bashing is popular with the electorate, and a desperate White House may turn up the heat to recover its standing in the polls. The battle for great-power supremacy remains unresolved. The pandemic is causing the retreat from globalization to accelerate before our eyes: Curtailing offshoring and building new redundancies into supply chains will weigh on corporate profit margins and undermine earnings growth. Feature We had the pleasure of sitting down with Matt Gertken, the leader of BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy service, for a webcast last week. The timing could not have been better, as the pandemic has thrust Washington into the spotlight and the campaign will keep it there until Election Day. This report blends the US Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy teams’ takes on the broad themes we discussed and is a starting point for thinking about the 2020 election and its financial market implications. We will return to the topic throughout the summer and early fall as developments unfold. Republicans in the Senate can talk tough now, but they will have to knuckle under if they want to keep their majority (and the White House). Future Fiscal Largesse Though the scale of the CARES Act was huge, powering the United States to the head of the global class in terms of fiscal stimulus (Chart 1), both parties were discussing the next phase of COVID-19 relief before the ink on the bill was dry. Two months later, that momentum has stalled as Republicans have begun to push back against a fifth wave of spending (the CARES Act was the third). Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) has taken direct aim at the $600 weekly federal unemployment benefit supplement, scheduled to expire at the end of July, calling unemployment benefits in excess of pay an “aberration,” and pledging that the program will be extended “over [his] dead body.” Chart 1A Massive Amount Of Fiscal Stimulus That benefit may be generous on a Scandinavian scale,1 but along with the direct $1,200 payments sent to nearly two-thirds of households, it is helping the economy withstand deleterious social distancing measures. Shoring up the finances of vulnerable households will help them stay current on their auto loans and rent or mortgage payments, staving off a wave of repossessions, evictions and foreclosures, and preventing a cascading chain of defaults that would intensify the economic pressure. Table 1The Battleground States Need Help Graham’s rhetorical flourishes aside, Republicans cannot hand the Democrats an opening to cast them as Scrooge when the campaign intensifies in late summer. Trump’s 2016 victory turned on flipping Florida and Rust Belt stalwarts Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin from the Democrats, and all those states are in play again except Ohio (Chart 2). Unemployment is elevated in the battleground Rust Belt states, and we think it must be higher than the official measure in a state as dependent on tourism as Florida (Table 1).2 Channeling the Grinch by taking unemployment benefits and essential workers away from put-upon voters in pivotal states3 is not a winning electoral strategy. Caught between an aid proposal that both Democrats and the White House want, Republican senators will ultimately have to concede. Chart 2The Midwest And Florida Are Crucial Rounding Out The Democratic Ticket Chart 3A New Obama-Biden Ticket? Presumptive Democratic nominee Biden is considering the pool of candidates to fill the number two spot on the ticket. Vice-presidential picks generate a lot of discussion when they’re made, but they typically have little influence on election outcomes. Among this year’s crop of contenders for the presidential nomination, only Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) could fulfill the typical VP function of helping to land a swing state. Klobuchar would likely appeal to soccer moms and suburban independents capable of being swayed back to the Democrats, but her moderate sensibilities wouldn’t expand Biden’s appeal to the party’s progressive wing or inspire younger voters. Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) could help attract progressives and younger voters who see Biden as the status quo, but her antipathy toward big business could turn off swing voters and she would come at the cost of a senate seat.4 Voters have an unfavorable view of Kamala Harris (D-CA) and her contentious exchanges with Biden in the early debates could make for an awkward pairing. Stacey Abrams has recently entered the picture and would be an asset if she were able to increase African-American voter turnout, but she has a thin government resume. Michelle Obama is the only choice who would make a splash and significantly boost Biden’s prospects. She is viewed way more favorably than the rest of the field (Chart 3), would solidify Biden’s connection with Barack Obama, and increase turnout among the progressive, female, and minority voters the ticket needs to tip the scales in its favor. Unfortunately for the Democrats, she has unequivocally indicated that she does not wish to run. Biden has said he’d welcome her onto the ticket in a second, and he will likely put off his choice until efforts to draft her definitively fail. Michelle Obama could shake up the race if the Democrats can convince her to join the ticket. Investors should keep an eye on the Democratic ticket. Joe Biden will turn 78 in November. He will be a one-term president if he wins, and his public appearances suggest that he’s slower on the draw than he used to be. He may rely on his second-in-command much more than the average president and she will immediately become the odds-on favorite for the 2024 nomination. If the Democrats gain control of the Senate alongside a Biden victory, as our Geopolitical Strategy service projects, financial markets may have to begin discounting a future with materially less friendly regulatory and tax policy. China Tensions Will Not Go Away Chart 4The Middle Kingdom Is Out Of Favor Our geopolitical strategists have long flagged US-China tensions as the paramount geopolitical flashpoint. The only standalone nations with superpower potential are engaged in a long-term struggle for hegemony. The trade tensions that waxed and waned across all of 2019 were only one act of a longer-running play. Investors should not have been lulled into thinking the Phase 1 trade agreement would end the friction between the two countries. Politicians can be counted upon to give their constituents what they want, especially during election campaigns. China’s unpopularity with US voters has reached a new high in the wake of the pandemic (Chart 4), and candidates are likely to compete with one another to appear tougher on China. Between now and the election, there is a possibility that tensions could ramp up considerably. If the president finds his re-election prospects suffering from the COVID-19 outbreak and soaring unemployment, he may look to transform himself into a wartime president, boldly asserting American interests globally, and serially baiting an unpopular foe like China. Profit Margin Pressures Are Coming Except when interrupted by recessions, S&P 500 profit margins have climbed steadily higher since the early ‘90s (Chart 5). Several factors contributed to the increase in corporate profitability: the PC revolution, outsourcing, China’s entry into the WTO, the declining power of labor unions and, punctuating the rise in 2018, the 40% cut in the top marginal corporate tax rate (from 35% to 21%). If the Democrats take the White House and the Senate, we expect that corporate tax rates will swiftly rise. The top marginal rate may not go all the way back to 35%, but it has room to rise from its lowest level since before the US entered World War II (Chart 6), and any increase will represent a profit headwind. Re-configuring supply chains will reduce margins. Higher taxes will, too, if Democrats can take the White House and the Senate. Chart 5Corporate Profit Margins Are Vulnerable Chart 6A Democratic Sweep Will Lead To Higher Taxes Our Geopolitical Strategy service identified peak globalization as an important theme not long after it began publishing in 2012. The outbreak of the pandemic seems as if it will accelerate the retreat from globalization (Chart 7), and any reduction in outsourcing is likely to weigh on profit margins until automated inputs can supplant more expensive domestic labor. Onshoring is not the only factor likely to increase corporate costs after the pandemic, however. Companies are likely to seek to diversify their supply chains so that they are not so reliant on a single country or supplier. Building up redundancies within supply chains will make those chains more stable, but it will also increase costs. Chart 7The Pandemic Is Accelerating The Trend Away From Globalization A Biden victory is not the only source of election downside. If the president wins re-election, the odds of tariff conflicts with Europe will rise significantly. Unconstrained by having to contest another election, the administration could ratchet up the pressure on Europe, prompting certain retaliation from Brussels. Our strategists see a greater chance for trade peace, ex-China, if Biden captures the White House. Investment Implications The overriding questions on investors’ minds are why the stock market and the economy have parted company so decisively and how long they can continue to diverge. Our explanation turns on policy: the Fed has intervened mightily to hold down Treasury yields and keep financial markets functioning, while Congress has thrown open the federal coffers to keep laid-off workers and suddenly teetering businesses afloat. The social distancing measures imposed to slow the spread of COVID-19 caused economic activity to crater. Monetary and fiscal policy have been deployed to build a bridge over that crater, lest capital, people and businesses disappear into it like the Union troops at Petersburg. Ever since they began to rally in late March, financial markets have focused exclusively on the bridge. The Fed has the capacity and the will to install more monetary planks should the crater prove to be wider than initially estimated. Congress’ commitment is shakier, but the election will compel Republicans to provide more funding should it become necessary to prevent a dire outcome. The virus alone will dictate how long the bridge will have to be in place and investors can only guess at the virus' future course. Given the stock market’s pattern of surging on positive preliminary data for potential treatments or vaccines and barely easing when those data are shown to hold far less promise, it appears that its expectations are skewed to the right-hand side of the distribution. There appears to be considerable room for disappointment on the public health front. The possibility that markets are giving short shrift to a robust second wave of infections, or overestimating the speed with which a vaccine can be developed and distributed, is not a reason to short equities or be underweight them in balanced portfolios, though. The rally has been too strong, and there is a subset of right-tail outcomes that could well come to pass. We continue to expect a correction, and are carrying excess cash to prepare for it, but we are maintaining a neutral tactical outlook in the event of a positive surprise. We are optimistic about equities’ prospects over a twelve-month timeframe. Our rationale is that easy monetary policy and generous fiscal spending will outlive the social distancing measures they were prescribed to treat. Low interest rates, ample liquidity and pumped-up aggregate demand form a highly supportive backdrop for equities and should help them handily outperform bonds. The difference between our outlook and the equity market’s may simply be a matter of timing; the resurgent S&P 500 seems to be skipping ahead to the twelve-month conclusion and looking through the uncertainties that will arise along the way. The bears face daunting odds if Congress approves a meaningful fifth phase of fiscal stimulus: every trillion dollars extends the dark US bar in Chart 1 by another five percentage points. TIPS will eventually be the asset of choice when the debt has to be repaid but, in the meantime, equities have undeniable appeal. Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 According to a new working paper, the median unemployed worker is eligible for benefit payments equivalent to 134% of his/her pre-layoff compensation. https://www.nber.org/papers/w27216 Accessed May 26, 2020. 2 Nevada, home to the Magic Kingdom for adults, has the nation’s highest unemployment rate (28.2%). 3 Most state constitutions mandate balanced budgets. In the absence of federal aid, local school, fire, police and public hospital payrolls will have to be pared in response to declining sales and income tax revenues. 4 Massachusetts’ Republican governor would get to appoint her replacement until a special election could be held.
BCA Research's Geopolitical Strategy team analyzed some near-term geopolitical risks to the rally. They recommend a tactically defensive stance. The rally faces significant near-term risks because of the potential for tumultuous political and geopolitical…
Highlights China is taking advantage of global chaos to solidify its sphere of influence – beginning with Hong Kong. The crisis is also motivating the European Union to link arms more tightly through a symbolic step toward fiscal solidarity and transfers. US, Chinese, and European stimulus measures are cyclically positive but near-term risks abound. Hiccups in stimulus rollout are to be expected – and China’s disappointing stimulus thus far may cause market turmoil before policymakers do what we expect and add greater oomph. US-China relations are breaking down as we outlined, as renminbi depreciation coincides with Trump approval depreciation. The risks of the UK failing to agree to a trade deal with the EU are higher than prior to COVID-19. Stay defensive tactically – the risk-on rally is not yet confirmed by major reflation indicators yet geopolitical risks are spiking. Feature Chart 1Will Geopolitics Stunt The Early Bull's Growth? After wavering at the 2,900 level, the S&P 500 broke above 3,000. As we go to press, it is holding the line, despite a surge in geopolitical risk emanating from the efforts of the Great Powers to consolidate their spheres of influence at the expense of globalization. Key cyclical indicators are on the verge of breaking out. Our “China Play Index,” which consists of the Australian dollar, Swedish equities, Brazilian equities, and iron ore prices, is reviving smartly. The copper-to-gold ratio, however, is not really confirming the rally (Chart 1). Nor are Asian currencies. We recommend a tactically defensive stance. We are not dogmatic, but are not convinced that the rally will overcome near-term risks. We expect explosive political and geopolitical events throughout the summer. Near-Term Geopolitical Risks To The Rally Our reasons for near-term caution are as follows: Global stimulus hiccups: China’s National People’s Congress over the weekend disappointed expectations on the size of economic stimulus. This is a short-term risk, we argue below, but nevertheless a risk. The US Congress may not pass stimulus until July 2 and the final law will fall short of the House bill of $3 trillion. The European “Next Generation EU” recovery fund is only 750 billion euros in size and may not be agreed until July, or even September if the financial market does not impose urgency. We elaborate below. Ultimately policymakers will keep doing “whatever it takes” but there will be hiccups first and they will trouble the market in the near term (Chart 2). Chart 2Stimulus Tsunami Will Peak This Summer Sino-American conflict: The “phase one” trade deal was never going to bring durable comfort to markets about US-China cooperation, and the outbreak of COVID-19 prompted our March 13 argument that US-China tensions would erupt sooner than we thought. So far the market is grinding higher despite the materialization of this risk. Mega-stimulus and the equity rally enable the US and China to clash. At some point escalation will upset the market. Domestic stimulus is substituting for a collapse in globalization and risk markets are cheering. But increased domestic support will enable political leaders to clash with each other and keep upping the ante. The higher the market goes the more willing President Trump will be to expend some ammunition on China and other political targets. But if you play with sticks, somebody always gets hurt. The market is betting that Trump is a typical US president, typically bashing China in an election year. We are arguing that he is atypical, that this is an atypical election year, and that China’s own ambition cannot be left out of the equation. Wild cards: Jokers, one-eyed jacks, suicidal kings, and aces are all wild in this deck. Emerging markets like Russia (Chart 3) – and rogue regimes like Iran – pose non-negligible risks of upsetting the global rebound this year. Chart 3ARussian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions Chart 3BRussian Risk To Rise Further On Libya, US Tensions Chart 4Equity Investors Wise To Erdogan's Mischief Investors cannot focus on tail risks all the time, but not all geopolitical risks are tail risks. This is particularly the case because of the US election, which heightens Washington’s willingness to retaliate to any provocations. Geopolitics in the Mediterranean are verifiably unstable, particularly in Libya where Russia looks to make a major intervention yet Turkey is also involved (Chart 4). This affects North African and European security. Iran is under historic stress and will attempt to undermine the Trump administration as it has no downside to Democratic victory in November. In a recent event we hosted with the CFA Institute in India and Asia Pacific, only 4% of participants highlighted Russia and 2% Iran as a significant source of political risk this year, while 93% highlighted the US and China. Clearly the US-China competition is the great game. But other risks are underrated, especially Russia. Stimulus hiccups this summer are likely to be overcome in the US, EU, and China, so perhaps the market will look through this risk while economies reopen and leading indicators inevitably improve. US-China tensions could remain bound within Trump’s desire to keep the stock market up during his election campaign and China’s desire not to incur Trump’s unmitigated wrath if he happens to be reelected. Russian, Iranian, and emerging market risks, if they materialize, may have merely localized and ephemeral market effects. However, Trump’s falling approval rating and executive decree to open the social media companies to litigation supports our thesis that he is not enslaved by the stock market. The market is expecting “the Art of the Deal” to lead to positive outcomes but that assumption is not as reliable in a recessionary context as it is in an economic boom. The Atlanta Fed’s second quarter real GDP growth estimate stands at -40.4%. Any state that provokes the US over the next five months risks a massive or unpredictable retaliation. China will ultimately bring stimulus to 15.5% of GDP. Deflation and unemployment are a massive constraint. We do not mention the well-known risks of weak consumer activity and business investment amid the pandemic, which itself is expected to revive in the fall with no guarantee of a vaccine by then. Bottom Line: In the near term, maintain safe haven trades such as long Japanese yen, US Treasuries, and defensive equity sectors. China Stimulus Hiccups Won’t Last, But Will Sow Doubt The most important question in China is the implication of the National People’s Congress with regard to the size of stimulus. After the stimulus blowout of 2015-16, Xi Jinping consolidated power and launched a deleveraging campaign. His administration is determined to keep a lid on systemic risks, especially the money and credit bubble. Chart 5China's Stimulus Faces Doubts But Will Prove Huge In The End Beijing’s targets for central and local government spending disappointed market observers. In Chart 2 above, we revised Beijing’s fiscal stimulus from 11% of GDP to 4.3% of GDP as a result of lower-than-expected targets for local government special bonds and central government special treasury bonds, as well as a corrected calculation of the fiscal relief for small and-medium-sized enterprises. This 4.3% understates the real size of China’s stimulus because it includes only fiscal elements. Since the Communist Party and state bureaucracy control the banks and many large enterprises, one must also include credit growth – it is a quasi-fiscal factor. Total social financing (total private credit) is usually the biggest element of China’s periodic bouts of stimulus. While Chinese authorities showed restraint in their fiscal measures, they announced that credit growth would “significantly” exceed nominal GDP growth, which has collapsed due to the virus lockdowns. Our Emerging Markets Strategy estimates that credit growth will accelerate to 14% this year, making for an 11.2% of GDP increase in total credit, and a combined fiscal and credit impulse that will reach 15.5% of GDP (Chart 5). The dramatic global economic shock and the hit to China’s labor market ensure that additional stimulus will be applied as needed to plug the output gap. Soaring unemployment is a fundamental risk to social stability and hence to single-party rule. This means that the fiscal impulse will in the end likely exceed 4.3% as new measures are rolled out later this year. It also means that credit growth will surprise to the upside, as the regime loosens the reins on shadow banks as well as state-controlled lenders. Nevertheless, accepting our Emerging Market Strategy’s base case of 15.5% of GDP fiscal and credit impulse, we would note that China’s economy is much larger as a share of the global economy today than it was in previous rounds of stimulus. Thus while the stimulus may be smaller than that in 2008 as a proportion of China’s economy, it is larger as a proportion of the world’s (Table 1). China-linked asset prices, such as industrial metals, will see rising demand over time. Table 1China Fiscal+Credit Impulse Will Be Big Relative To World The Xi administration’s preference is not to overstimulate and exacerbate its problems of imbalanced growth, falling productivity, and excessive indebtedness. But its constraint is deflation, unemployment, and social instability. Insufficiently loose policy in the midst of a very deep global recession could prove to be the biggest policy mistake of all time. To refuse to loosen as needed, or to re-tighten policy too soon, would be to make a cruel joke out of the new policy slogan, “the Six Stabilities and Six Guarantees” and jeopardize Xi Jinping’s ability to reconsolidate power ahead of the twentieth National Party Congress in 2022. Rather the constraint will force policymakers to alter any hawkish preferences if growth looks to relapse. Bottom Line: Doubts about the sufficiency of China’s fiscal and monetary stimulus pose a near-term risk to global risk assets since investors face disappointing stimulus promises on the surface, combined with lack of certainty about Beijing’s willingness to increase stimulus going forward. We are confident that Beijing will ultimately do whatever it takes to stabilize employment and try to ensure social stability. But this implies near-term challenges and possibly a market riot prior to resolution. Before then, many market participants, including in China, will believe that the Xi Jinping administration will be hawkish and resistant to re-leveraging. China’s Sphere Of Influence Global geopolitical risk stems from the Xi Jinping regime at least as much as from the Donald Trump regime, as we have long pointed out. The scenario unfolding as we go to press is precisely the one we outlined back in March in which Beijing depreciates its currency to ease its economic woes while President Trump’s approval rating falls due to his own woes, prompting him to retaliate. The CNY-USD exchange rate is largely pricing out the phase one trade deal, which is marked by the peak in renminbi strength in Chart 6. Chart 6Phase One Trade Deal Priced Out Of Renminbi Already Chart 7China's Warning To Trump Could Scrap Trade Deal This depreciation is not merely the effect of market moves – though weakness in global and Asian trade and manufacturing certainly reinforce it. The People’s Bank of China’s fixing rate has been guiding the currency to its lowest point since 2008 amid the spike in US-China tensions over the past month (Chart 7). China says it will adhere to the phase one deal as long as it is mutual. It is buying more soybeans, cotton, pork, and beef from the United States relative to last year. Demand has collapsed. Unless China decides to dictate purchases as a subsidy to keep the agreement alive, its purchases will fall short of the huge expansion envisioned in the deal. US actions could nullify the deal anyway. President Trump and his Economic Director Larry Kudlow have both suggested that the administration no longer cares about maintaining the deal. China was fast becoming unpopular in the US and this trend has skyrocketed as a result of COVID-19. China’s other notable decision at the National People’s Congress was to state that it would impose a new national security law on Hong Kong SAR, after the autonomous financial center’s long reluctance to do so. Beijing has sought greater direct control of the city since early in Xi’s term, in contravention of the promise of 50 years of substantial autonomy enshrined in the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984. Beijing’s action comes after Hong Kong’s widespread civil unrest last year and ahead of the city’s Legislative Council elections in September, which will likely become a major geopolitical flashpoint. The United States is retaliating by removing Hong Kong’s designation as an autonomous region. This entails higher tariffs, tougher export controls, stricter visa requirements, and likely sanctions directed at mainland entities that will enforce the national security law in various ways, including eventually some Chinese banks. The US also accelerated sanctions against China for its civil rights abuses in Xinjiang – sanctions that target tech and security companies – and is moving forward with a bill to threaten Chinese companies that hold American Depository Receipts (ADRs) with delisting from American stock exchanges if they do not meet the same auditing requirements as other foreign companies. This potentially affects $1.8 trillion in market capitalization over a 3-4 year period. China’s power grab in Hong Kong initiates a market-negative Sino-American dynamic that will last all year. It cannot be assumed that Trump will accept Beijing’s implicit offer of swapping phase one trade deal implementation for China’s historic encroachment on Hong Kong’s autonomy. The imposition of legislative dependency on Hong Kong should not have been a surprise to investors given recent trends, but it was, as Hong Kong equities fell by 6% at first blush. There is more downside, judging by our China GeoRisk Indicator, which is in a clear uptrend for all of these reasons and correlates reasonably well with the Hang Seng index (Chart 8). Chart 8Hong Kong Equities Face More Downside From Geopolitics While the US will retaliate over Hong Kong, the question for global investors is whether the conflict spills over into the rest of China’s periphery. This would highlight the systemic nature of the geopolitical risk and make it harder for the market to swallow the new cold war. Our Taiwan Strait GeoRisk Indicator (Chart 9) is pricing zero political risk despite the clear risk that Beijing will eventually resort to economic sanctions to penalize the mainland-skeptic government there; that the US will seek to shore up the diplomatic and defense relationship in significant ways in what may be the final five months of the Trump administration; and that Taiwan may seek to draw the US into granting greater economic and security assurances. Chart 9Taiwan Equities Pricing ZERO Geopolitical Risk ... Huge Mispricing Our Korea GeoRisk Indicator (Chart 10) has also fallen drastically. This risk indicator deviates from Korean equities frequently due to North Korean risks, which equity investors tend (usually correctly) to ignore. This year is different, however, because Kim Jong Un’s decision whether to give Trump a diplomatic win, or frustrate him with the test of a nuclear device or intercontinental ballistic missile, actually has a bearing on Trump’s election odds and the pace of US-China escalation. If Kim humiliates Trump then we expect Trump to make a major show of force in the region that would draw China into a strategic standoff. Chart 10North Korea Is Relevant In 2020 Due To Trump China is attempting to solidify its sphere of influence, first in Hong Kong but later in Taiwan and the Korean peninsula. The United States is pushing back and the US election cycle combined with massive stimulus means that push will come to shove. Bottom Line: Investors should steer clear of Chinese, Taiwanese, and Korean currencies and risk assets in the near term. We recommend playing the cyclical China recovery via Korean equities over the long run. The European Sphere Of Influence The European Union is also attempting to strengthen and expand its sphere of influence – namely with steps in the direction of a fiscal union. Our GeoRisk Indicators are generally flagging a huge drop in political risk for Germany, France, Italy, and Spain (Charts 11A & 11B). The reason is that the economies have collapsed yet the equity market has bounded back on ECB quantitative easing and huge promises of fiscal support. In the coming months these risk indicators will rise even as economies reopen because the debate over fiscal and monetary policies is heating up. Our base case is that both the debate over EU recovery funds and the German constitutional court’s objections to QE will resolve in dovish compromises. Chart 11AEurope’s Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment Chart 11BEurope’s Not-Quite Hamiltonian Moment At issue on the fiscal front is the EU Commission’s “Next Generation EU” recovery fund. Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is offering to create a 750 billion euro relief fund (500 billion in grants, 250 billion in loans). The decision is contentious because it would entail the EU Commission issuing bonds – essentially joint bonds among the EU states – to raise funds that would then be distributed through the EU Commission seven-year budget (2021-7). Joint issuance would be a symbolic step toward greater solidarity. This proposal began with an agreement between French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel to launch the 500 billion in grants. Merkel signaled earlier this year that she was prepared to accept joint bond issuance focused on the immediate crisis. When more fiscally hawkish or euroskeptic states objected that loans should be used instead of grants, von der Leyen simply added their proposal to the total, despite the fact that the ECB and European Stability Mechanism (ESM) already offer emergency loans to help states through the global crisis. The proposal marks a victory of the fiscally dovish Mediterranean states (once called “Club Med”) over the frugal Germans, with Macron prevailing on Merkel to foist yet another major compromise onto her conservative German power base in the name of European integration and solidarity before she exits the chancellorship in 2021. But it is not as if German elites like Merkel and von der Leyen are running amok: German public opinion is Europhile and supportive of bolder actions to share burdens, save the union, and shore up the continental economy. The market is not pricing any political risk in Taiwan despite clear dangers. Stay short Taiwanese equities. The recovery fund itself is limited in size, relative to overall stimulus actions thus far. But it would plug an important gap for states like Italy and Spain, which are constrained by large public debt loads and have not provided enough stimulus as yet. The “Frugal Four,” the Netherlands, Austria, Sweden, and Denmark, are leading the opposition to the use of grants rather than loans and any effort to establish a track leading to European fiscal union. But they are also willing to negotiate. Estonia and other nations are also objecting, with the eastern Europeans seeking to ensure that southern Europe does not take the lion’s share of the funds, while the core European states will use the funds to pressure populist and euroskeptic eastern states that have defied the European Court of Justice and other institutions (Chart 12). Chart 12Europe: Distribution Of ‘NextGen EU’ Fund A final decision may not be settled by the time of a special summit in July but some compromise should be expected by the fall or (latest) end of year. The proposal would do the very thing that its opponents resist: pave the way toward jointly issued bonds in future that do not have a time limit or a single purpose (today’s sole purpose being pandemic relief). Hence the negotiations will be intense and it will likely require a return of financial instability to bring them to a conclusion. The global financial crisis and its aftermath provoked a higher degree of integration among the EU member states despite the tendency of the mainstream media to assume that the dissonance between monetary and fiscal policy would create an unbridgeable rupture. COVID-19 is now supporting this pattern of Brussels not letting a good crisis go to waste. Chart 13Europe Fends Off Latest Doubts About Solidarity The reason is that the EU is a geopolitical project. As Russia revived, the US began to act unilaterally and unpredictably, and China emerged as a global heavyweight, European powers were forced to huddle together ever more tightly to create economies of scale and improve their security against various external and unconventional threats. Influential German Finance Minister Olaf Scholz has compared the new recovery fund to the work of American founding father Alexander Hamilton in mutualizing the early American states’ war debt so as to create a tighter fiscal union among the states. For that very reason the more Euroskeptic member states oppose the proposal – long rejecting the idea of a “United States of Europe.” Today’s proposals are more symbolic, less substantial, than Hamilton’s famous Compromise of 1790. Nevertheless we would not underrate them as they highlight the way the European states continually turn crisis moments that worry the markets about European break-up into new opportunities to combine more closely. As such it is fitting that the European break-up risk premium has fallen, signifying a drop in peripheral bond spreads (Chart 13). The battle over debt mutualization is not over yet so spreads could widen again, but the trend will be down as the bloc develops new tools to combat the latest crisis. The United Kingdom obviously marks a major exception to this reinforcement of the European sphere of influence. The Brits are historically and geopolitically opposed to a unified continental political power. Having decided to leave, they lack the ability to obstruct from within. But they are also not necessarily more likely to yield in their trade negotiations. British political risks are understandably low because Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his Conservative Party won a strong mandate in December and technically do not have to face voters again until 2024. The major limitation on a “no trade deal” outcome in talks with Brussels was a recession – yet that has already occurred. London could ultimately bite the bullet and accept that outcome if the trade talks turn acrimonious. The GBP/EUR is not pricing a full “no deal” exit. Stimulus and economic recovery suggest that it is a good time to go long sterling but we will pass on this trade in the short run due to resilient dollar strength and the reduced barrier to exiting without a trade deal (Charts 14A & 14B). Chart 14ABrexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Chart 14BBrexit Trade Talks Not Globally Relevant Bottom Line: We do not yet recommend reinstituting our long EUR/USD trade, which we initiated late last year as part of our annual forecast. The COVID-19 crisis has created such a spike in geopolitical and political risk that we expect the US dollar to remain surprisingly strong throughout the coming months and for US equities to outperform global equities beyond expectation. Nevertheless we will look to reinitiate this long-term trade at an appropriate time, as it fits squarely with our “European Integration” theme since 2012. Investment Takeaways Our contention that “geopolitics is the next shoe to drop” has materialized. This has negative near-term implications for global risk assets. However, thus far, market positives have outweighed negatives for global investors faced with the reopening of economies and wartime-magnitude fiscal and monetary stimulus. Buying risky assets makes sense for investors with a long-term investment horizon – and we recommend cyclical plays like commodities, corporate bonds, infrastructure stocks, and defense stocks in our strategic portfolio. We also recognize that if key cyclical and reflation indicators break out from here, then a cyclical bull market could take shape. Yet our analytical framework reveals that recession and mega-stimulus have diminished the financial and economic constraints that would normally deter geopolitical actors from ambitious actions on the international stage. Most notably, the US election dynamic has turned upside-down. President Trump is the underdog and will need to develop a reelection bid that does not hinge on the economy. Doubling down on “America First” foreign policy and trade policy makes the most sense and the ramifications are negative for the markets over the next five months. This is the key dynamic that makes US-China, US-North Korea, US-Russia, and US-Iran tensions more market-relevant than they would otherwise be. It also will dampen an otherwise positive story for the euro, in the short run. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Section II: Appendix : GeoRisk Indicator China: Russia: UK: Germany: France: Italy: Canada: Spain: Taiwan: Korea: Turkey: Brazil: Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
An analysis on Turkey is available below. Highlights Due to the sizable stimulus announced by the NPC, we are upgrading our outlook for Chinese growth for this year. Nevertheless, in terms of investment strategy, we are reluctant to chase China-related plays higher at the moment. Rising geopolitical tensions between the US and China will likely produce a pullback in China-related risk assets, providing a better entry point in the months ahead. The RMB is set to depreciate dragging down emerging Asian currencies. There is evidence that the equity rally from late-March lows has been driven or supercharged by retail investors worldwide. Such retail-driven manias never end well, though they can last for a while. Feature Emerging market equities are facing a critical technical resistance. Chart I-1 shows that over the past decade, EM share prices often found support at the horizontal line during selloffs. The latter could now become a resistance point. In turn, the Australian dollar and the S&P 500 have climbed to their 200-day moving averages (Chart I-2). Chart I-1EM Stocks Are Facing A Technical Resistance Chart I-2S&P 500 And AUD Are At Critical Technical Juncture Having rallied strongly in the past two months, it is reasonable to expect that global risk assets will take a breather as investors assess the economic and geopolitical outlooks. China: Aggressive Stimulus… China has embarked on another round of aggressive stimulus. The government program approved by the National People’s Congress (NPC) last week laid out the following macro policy objectives: Stabilize employment. The NPC has pledged to create more than 9 million new jobs in urban areas. Although this is lower than last year’s target of more than 11 million new jobs, it is very ambitious given the number of layoffs that have occurred year-to-date. Chart I-3China: Money/Credit Is Set To Re-Accelerate Significantly accelerate the growth rate of broad money supply and total social financing relative to last year. Indeed, broad money growth accelerated in April and will continue to move higher (Chart I-3). Lending to enterprises and households as well as overall bank asset growth have all accelerated (Chart I-3, bottom two panels). Boost aggregate government spending (budgetary and quasi-fiscal) growth to 13.2% in 2020 versus 9.5% last year. Local government’s special bond quotas have been set at RMB 3.75 trillion yuan, compared with RMB 2.15 trillion last year. The central government will issue special bonds in the order of 1 trillion yuan. The proceeds will be transferred to local governments to support tax and fee reductions, as well as to boost consumption and investment. Support SMEs. The government will extend its beneficial loan-repayment policy for SMEs until March 2021. It will extend exemptions for SMEs on social security contributions, VAT and other fees and taxes through to the end of this year. The government estimates a total of RMB 2.5 trillion in tax and fee reductions for companies in 2020. Table I-1 details potential scenarios for the credit and fiscal spending impulse (CFI). In our baseline scenario, the CFI will rise to 15.5% of GDP by year-end (Chart I-4). In short, in 2020 the CFI will likely be larger than it was in 2015-’16 and closer to its 2012 level. However, it will still fall short of the 2009-2010 surge. Table I-1Simulation On Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse For 2020 Chart I-4Our Projections For The Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse In summary, it is fair to say that for now, the authorities have abandoned their deleveraging objective and are encouraging a substantial acceleration of both debt and credit. However, it will take time before the stimulus filters through the economy and boosts growth. This will be the case because of the following persistent headwinds: First, the reduced willingness of households and enterprises to spend. The top panel of Chart I-5 reveals that consumers’ marginal propensity to spend is falling. Enterprises’ willingness to invest continues to trend lower. Historically, companies’ willingness to invest has been a good indicator for industrial metals prices. So far it has not validated the advance in base metals (Chart I-5, bottom panel). The rationale for this correlation is that Chinese companies account for 50-55% of global industrial metals demand. Second, the COVID-19 economic downturn in China was much worse than previous downturns, and the financial health of companies and households is considerably poorer than before. This is why it will take very large amounts of stimulus to produce even a moderate recovery. In particular, a portion of the credit expansion will go toward plugging operating cash flow deficits at companies rather than to augment investment. For example, in the US, commercial and industrial loan growth surged in 2007/08 and this year (Chart I-6). In all of those cases, the underlying cause for credit acceleration was companies drawing on their credit lines to close their negative operating cashflow gaps. Chart I-5China: Households And Enterprises Are Less Willing To Spend Chart I-6US Loan Growth Spikes In Recessions The same phenomenon is presently occurring in China. This entails more credit origination will be required in China in this cycle before we witness a revival in capital spending. Third, geopolitical tensions between the US and China will escalate further in the months ahead. We elaborate on this in more detail below. As far as China’s growth outlook is concerned, rising geopolitical tensions with the US will weigh on both consumer and business confidence. On the whole, due to the sizable stimulus announced by the NPC, we are upgrading our outlook for Chinese growth for this year. Nevertheless, in terms of investment strategy, we are reluctant to chase China-related plays higher at the moment. Rising geopolitical tensions will likely produce a pullback in China-related risk assets, providing a better entry point in the months ahead. Chart I-7Chinese Economy: Still Very Weak In addition, the mainland economy is still undergoing post-lockdown normalization – not recovery. Both capital spending and household consumption are still in recession (Chart I-7). Bottom Line: China is yet again resorting to aggressive fiscal and credit stimulus. Mainland growth is bound to improve over the remainder of the year. However, financial markets have run a bit ahead of themselves, and we will wait for a pullback before recommending China-related plays. …But Geopolitics Is A Major Risk Despite an improving growth outlook, Asian and China-related risk assets could struggle in the months ahead due to escalating geopolitical tensions between the US and China. On the surface, the COVID-19 crisis seems to be the culprit behind rising tensions between the two nations. However, the pandemic has only accelerated an otherwise unavoidable confrontation between the existing superpower and the rising one. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy team has been writing about cumulating tensions and the potential for them to boil over in the months before the US election. The contours of the rise in geopolitical tensions will be as follows: President Trump’s chances of re-election have declined, with the recession gripping the US economy and unemployment surging. There is little doubt that he will use external foes to rally the nation behind the flag. Blaming China for the pandemic and acting tough is probably the only way for Trump to switch his campaign’s nucleus from the economy to foreign policy, which will raise the odds of his election victory. The US administration will not resort to import tariffs this time around. Going forward, the administration’s goal will be cutting China’s access to foreign technology. Technology in general and semiconductors in particular will be the key battleground in this new cold war. The US will also step up its pressure on multinationals to move production out of China. The broader idea is to impede China’s technological advance. Even though the US rhetoric on China’s policies toward Hong Kong will be tough, there is little the US can do or will do regarding Hong Kong. Rather, the more important battleground will be Taiwan and its semiconductor industry. Finally, China’s political leadership cannot tolerate being perceived as weak domestically in the face of US pressures. They will retaliate against the US. One form of retaliation against Trump could be pushing North Korea to test its strategic military weapons that could undermine Trump’s foreign policy credibility in the US. Another form of retaliation could be tolerating moderate currency depreciation. The latter will challenge Trump’s claims that he has been victorious in dealing with China. The latest decision to ban US and foreign companies from accepting orders from Huawei and the slide in the value of the RMB are consistent with these narratives. To our surprise, however, financial markets in general and Asian markets in particular have not sold off meaningfully in response to the US ban on Huawei and renewed RMB depreciation. Critically, China is the world’s largest consumer of semiconductors, accounting for 35% of global semiconductor demand. Restricting Chinese purchases would be negative for global semiconductor producers. China has been aware of the risk of US restrictions on its imports of semiconductors and has been ramping up its semi imports since 2018. Semi imports have been booming even though smartphone sales had been shrinking (Chart I-8). This is a sign of large semiconductor restocking in China which has helped global semi sales in general and TSMC sales in particular in the past 18 months. In brief, major semi restocking by China in the past 18 months along with the ban on sales to Huawei all but ensure that global semiconductor sales will be weak this year. It does not seem that global semi stocks in general and Asian ones in particular are pricing in this outcome. Global semiconductor stocks are a hair below their all-time highs, and their trailing P/E ratio is at 21. Specifically, given Huawei is the second-largest customer of TSMC, the latter’s sales will be negatively affected (Chart I-9). Chart I-8Has China Been Stockpiling Semiconductors? Chart I-9TSMC Has Benefited From China Stockpiling Semiconductors Finally, both DRAM and NAND prices are falling anew (Chart I-10). Further, DRAM revenue proxy correlates with Korean tech stocks and points to lower share prices (Chart I-11). Chart I-10Semiconductor Prices Have Begun Falling Chart I-11Semiconductor Prices Are Still Deflating DRAM Revenue Proxy And Korean Tech Stocks Crucially, Chinese, Korean and Taiwanese stocks account for 60% of the MSCI EM equity market cap. Hence, a selloff in these bourses will weigh on the EM equity index. Chart I-12 shows that the latest drawdown in these North Asian equity markets was relatively small compared to the drop in the rest of the EM equity universe. Hence, Chinese, Korean and Taiwanese share prices are not discounting a lot of bad news making them vulnerable to the geopolitical risks that lie ahead. Financial markets in Asia are very complacent to mounting geopolitical risks stemming from the US-China confrontation. The RMB is set to depreciate dragging down emerging Asian currencies. Chart I-12North Asian Stocks Versus The Rest Of EM Bottom Line: Financial markets in Asia are very complacent to mounting geopolitical risks stemming from the US-China confrontation. The RMB is set to depreciate dragging down emerging Asian currencies. The large share of Chinese, Korean and Taiwanese stocks in the MSCI EM equity index implies significant downside risks to the EM equity benchmark. The Global Economic Outlook As economies around the world open, the level of economic activity will certainly begin to rise. The opening of shops, offices and various other facilities will result in a partial normalization and an increase in economic activities. However, we cannot call this a recovery. Rather it is just a snapback from the lockdowns which both equity and credit markets have already fully priced in. The outlook for global share prices and credit markets depends on what happens to the global economy following this post-lockdown snapback. Will the snapback be followed by an actual recovery or will the level of activity stagnate at low levels? For now, our sense is that following the initial snapback a U-shaped recovery is the most likely global scenario. This does not exclude the possibility that activity in some sectors/countries will follow a square root trajectory. From a global macro perspective, we have the following observations to share: Certain industries will likely experience stagflation. Due to social distancing measures, they will be forced to limit their output/capacity and compensate for their increased costs by charging higher prices. In this group, we would include airlines, restaurants, and other service sector businesses. The short-term outlook for consumer spending is contingent on fiscal stimulus. A material reduction in fiscal support for households will weigh on their spending capacity. Capital spending will remain subdued outside China’s stimulus-driven local government and SOE investment outlays, and outside the technology sector, generally. Critically, economic activity in many countries and industries will remain below pre-pandemic levels until late this year. This implies that despite the snapback, some businesses will still be operating below or close to their breakeven points. This will have ramifications on their ability to service debt and on their willingness to invest and hire. Any rise in government bond yields worldwide will be limited as central banks in both DM and EM will cap yields by augmenting their purchase of government and in some cases corporate bonds. We discussed EM QE programs in detail in last week’s report. Bottom Line: It is tempting to interpret the post-lockdown snapback in economic activity as a recovery. However, the nature and depth of this recession is unique. Investors should consider both the direction of economic indicators and the level of economic activity in relation to a company’s breakeven point. This is an extremely difficult task. And that is in addition to gauging the odds of a second wave of COVID-19 infections later this year. In the context of such complexities facing investors, there is astonishing evidence that the recent equity rally has been driven by unsophisticated retail investors. A Retail-Driven Equity Rally There is growing evidence that the equity rally from late-March lows has been driven or supercharged by retail investors, worldwide. There is growing evidence that the equity rally from late-March lows has been driven or supercharged by retail investors, worldwide. Such retail-driven manias never end well, though they can last for a while. The following articles corroborate the worldwide phenomenon that retail investors have been opening broker accounts en masse and investing in stocks: Bored Day Traders Locked at Home Are Now Obsessed With Options Frustrated sports punters turn to US stock market Coronavirus spawns new generation of Japanese stock pickers Stuck at Home, More Filipinos Try Luck at Stock Investing It is fair to assume that retail investors do very little fundamental analysis. Not surprisingly, since March global share prices have decoupled from profit expectations. Although some professional investors have no doubt also played the rally, surveys of asset managers and traders suggest that generally they have stayed lukewarm on stocks. Specifically, the net long position of asset managers and leveraged funds in various US equity index futures remains very low (Chart I-13). Chart I-14 shows that US traders’ and professional individual investors’ sentiment on US stocks are at multi-year lows. Only US investment advisors have become fairly bullish again (Chart I-14, bottom panel). Chart I-13Fund Managers Have Stayed Lukewarm On Stocks Chart I-14Professional Investors’ Sentiment On Stocks Have Been Subdued Who will capitulate first: retail or professional investors? It is hard to predict the behavior of investors but, if we had to guess, our take could be summed up as follows: If geopolitical tensions escalate much more or the number of COVID-19 inflections in some large countries rises anew, retail investors will likely sell before professional investors step in. In this scenario, share prices will drop considerably. In the case of an absence of geopolitical tensions or a new wave of infections, it is hard to see how economic data that is improving could lead to a substantial drawdown in equities even if the level of activity remains very depressed. In this case, corrections will be small and short-lived. Investment Strategy Chart I-15Beware Of Breakdowns For global equity portfolios, we continue recommending underweighting EM stocks. Regardless of the direction of global share prices, EM will continue underperforming DM (Chart I-15, top panel). The basis for this is rising geopolitical tensions in China and weakness in the RMB will spill over into other emerging Asian currencies (Chart I-15, bottom panel). We continue recommending short positions in the RMB and KRW versus the US dollar. In terms of the absolute performance of EM equities and credit markets, as well as EM currencies versus the greenback, we recommend being patient. Global and EM financial markets are presently at a critical juncture, as illustrated in Charts 1 and 2 on pages 1 and 2. If these and some other markets meaningfully break above current levels of resistance, we will upgrade our stance on EM stocks and credit markets and close our short positions in EM currencies versus the US dollar. If they fail to do so, a considerable selloff is likely to follow. As to EM local currency bonds, we are long duration but cautious on EM currencies. For the full list of our recommendations for EM equity, credit, local fixed-income and currency markets, please refer to pages 18 and 19. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Lin Xiang, CFA Research Analyst linx@bcaresearch.com Turkish Lira: Facing A Litmus Test The Turkish lira has rolled over at its resistance level on a total return (including carry) basis (Chart II-1). The spot rate versus the US dollar is at its 2018 low. In short, the exchange rate is facing a litmus test. The culprit of a potential downleg in the lira is an enormous monetary deluge. Chart II-2 reveals that broad money supply growth has accelerated to 35% from a year ago. Local currency money supply is skyrocketing because the central bank and commercial banks are engaged in rampant money creation and public debt monetization. Chart II-1Turkish Lira (Including Carry): A Good Point To Short Chart II-2Turkey’s Broad Money: The Sky Is The Limit While such macro policies could benefit economic growth in the short term, they also herald growing inflationary pressures and currency devaluation. First, Turkish commercial banks have been on a government bonds buying binge since 2018 (Chart II-3, top panel). They presently own 62% of total local currency government bonds, up from 45% in early 2018. In addition, the central bank is de-facto engaging in government debt monetization. The Central Bank of Turkey (CBT) has bought TRY 40 billion of government bonds in the secondary market since March (Chart II-3, bottom panel). When a central bank or commercial bank buys a local currency asset from a non-bank, a new local currency deposit is created in the banking system and the money supply expands. Chart II-3Turkey: Public Debt Monetization In Full Force Chart II-4Turkey: Loan Growth Exceeds 30% Second, the commercial banks’ local currency loan growth has surged to 32% (Chart II-4). Government lending schemes and newly introduced regulations are incentivizing commercial banks to continue lending in order to boost domestic demand. In particular, state owned banks are providing loans at interest rates well below both the policy and inflation rates. The most likely outcome from such policies is rampant capital misallocation and an increase in non-performing loans. The former will weigh on productivity in the long turn. Third, the central bank has been providing enormous amounts of liquidity to commercial banks (Chart II-5, top panel). The latter’s local currency excess reserves – which are exclusively created out of thin air by the central bank - have surged (Chart II-5, bottom panel). In fact, the effective policy rate has been hovering below the actual policy rate, suggesting that there is an excess liquidity overflow in the banking system. In a nutshell, the central bank has been providing fuel to commercial banks to expand money supply via the purchases of local currency government bonds and loan origination. Fourth, an overly loose monetary stance will lead to higher inflation and currency devaluation. Moreover, wages continue to expand at an annual rate of 15-20%, confirming the fact that inflationary pressures are genuine and broad within this economy (Chart II-6). Higher inflation, and the consequent loss of purchasing power, is leading residents to switch their holdings of liras to foreign currencies. Chart II-5Central Banks' Liquidity Provision To Banks Chart II-6Turkey: A Sign Of Genuine Inflation Higher inflation, and the consequent loss of purchasing power, is leading residents to switch their holdings of liras to foreign currencies. Finally, Turkey’s current account deficit is set to widen, and the central bank’s net foreign currency reserves are non-existent at best. Booming credit growth will keep domestic demand and imports stronger than they otherwise would be. In the meantime, the complete collapse in tourism revenues and Turkey’s large foreign debt obligations, estimated at $160 billion over the next six months, entail negative balance of payment dynamics. Barring capital controls, Turkey will not be able to preclude further currency depreciation. Investment Implications Short the Turkish lira versus the US dollar. We recommend dedicated equity investors underweight Turkish equities and credit relative to their respective EM benchmarks. Also, we are reiterating our short Turkish banks / long Russian banks position. Local currency yields will offer little protection against currency depreciation. As such, investors should underweight domestic bonds. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations
BCA Research's Geopolitical Strategy service argues that China is susceptible to a series of historic shifts accelerated by the pandemic. China no longer primarily channels its savings into export manufacturing. Instead it invests them at home. China’s total…
Highlights Higher OPEC 2.0 production in 2H20 – likely beginning in 3Q20 – will be required to keep Brent prices below $50/bbl going into the US presidential elections, which arguably is the primary driver of prices in the 2020 post-COVID-19 recovery. Larger-than-expected OPEC 2.0 production cuts announced this month will force deeper inventory draws beginning in 3Q20. The re-opening of global economies and promising vaccine developments notwithstanding, we continue to expect an 8mm b/d hit to oil consumption this year, followed by an 8mm b/d recovery in demand next year. Brent prices likely will trade slightly higher than we forecast last month – $40/bbl this year, on average, vs. a $39/bbl forecast last month, and $68/bbl next year, $3/bbl above April’s forecast. We expect WTI to trade $2 - $4/bbl below Brent (Chart of the Week). Two-way price risk is high: The likelihood demand will surprise to the upside cannot be ignored, but it could collapse with a second COVID-19 wave forcing lockdowns again. On the supply side, the hurricane season is off to an early start in the US, with the first tropical storm, Arthur, named this week. Feature Chart of the WeekOil-Price Recovery In 2H20, 2021 Chart 2OPEC 2.0 Delivers Massive Production Cuts Political considerations – i.e., keeping crude oil prices below $50/bbl so as not to spike gasoline prices going into the US presidential elections – will drive the evolution of crude oil prices. The big driver of oil prices over the short term is what we know with the least uncertainty. Right now, that’s what's happening on the supply side over the next couple of months. Slightly further out – as November approaches, to be precise – the political economy of oil once again will dominate fundamentals. Political considerations – i.e., keeping crude oil prices below $50/bbl so as not to spike gasoline prices going into the US presidential elections – will drive the evolution of crude oil prices. That is why, we believe, the massive voluntary cuts announced by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and its Gulf allies earlier this month – amounting to ~ 1.2mm b/d of cuts in addition to those agreed by OPEC 2.0 in April – are so important: The global inventory overhang produced by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the short-lived market-share war launched by Russia in March, has to be unwound as quickly as possible, before the US presidential elections kick into high gear. Holding to the schedule agreed in April would drain inventories, but not fast enough by September to prevent further distress for OPEC 2.0 member states as the year winds down.1 By then, additional cuts would be highly problematic, given US President Donald Trump almost surely will be demanding higher OPEC production to keep gasoline prices down as voters go to the polls in November. KSA announced plans to reduce production by ~ 4.5mm b/d vs. its April level of 12mm b/d starting in June, taking its output to ~ 7.5mm b/d. This cut is 1mm b/d more than what it agreed to last month to balance the oil market. The UAE and Kuwait also voluntarily added cuts of 100k and 80k b/d, respectively, to their agreed quotas. Production cuts by OPEC 2.0 as a whole – led by KSA and Russia – begun in May and extending at least to the end of June will amount to ~ 9mm b/d, or close to 9% of global production (Chart 2). Chart 3US Shale-Oil Output Cuts... Outside of the OPEC 2.0 production cuts, we expect US shale-oil output to fall sharply – down ~ 2mm b/d this year from its peak in December, 2019 (Chart 3). The shale-oil supply destruction will lead total US production down by 600k b/d y/y in 2020 (Chart 4). US production losses will account for the largest share of non-OPEC production losses globally. Along with losses from Canada, Brazil and Norway in the wake of the COVID-19 demand destruction, we expect global oil production to fall 12mm b/d y/y by the end of June. Chart 4... Lead US Production Sharply Lower Demand Could Come Back Stronger For the year as a whole, we are leaving our expected demand loss at 8mm b/d, with most of that loss occurring in 1H20. That said, demand could revive sooner than expected, if the anecdotal reports of stronger-than-expected recovery in China prove out – the level of demand there is believed to be close to 13mm b/d in May, after falling to ~ 11.25mm b/d in February and March.2 Kayrros, the oil-inventory tracking service, noted its satellite imagery indicates, “Oil demand losses appear far lower than the prevailing view in April. Measured crude oil builds are wholly inconsistent with prevailing views of a collapse in oil demand of nearly Biblical proportions.” Furthermore, “By early May, there were clear signs of robust recovery in Asian crude demand as well as earlier-stage recovery in US end-user product demand. In addition, steep, swift supply cuts helped rebalance the market, leading to surprisingly deep inventory draws. But demand had never plunged as low as widely believed in the first place.”3 Our estimate of oil-demand destruction is less than that of the major data-reporting agencies. If this performance is repeated globally in EM economies – the historical growth engine of commodity demand – markets could tighten faster than we expect (Chart 5). Our estimate of oil-demand destruction is less than that of the major data-reporting agencies. In their May updates, EIA expects 2020 demand to fall 8.1mm b/d y/y in 2020, vs. 5.2mm b/d last month; OPEC sees demand falling 9.1mm b/d y/y, vs. 6.9mm b/d last month; and the IEA has it at 8.6mm b/d y/y, vs. 9.3mm b/d last month. Chart 5EM Demand Could Revive Quickly Chart 6Massive Fiscal and Monetary Stimulus Will Boost Aggregate Demand Globally By next year, we expect global demand will rise 8mm b/d y/y, driven by the massive monetary and fiscal stimulus that will continue to boost aggregate demand higher (Chart 6). In 2H20, we see demand recovering as flowing supplies fall (Chart 7), forcing onshore inventories to draw sharply in 2H20 and into 2021 (Chart 8), as well as floating storage (Chart 9). In addition, This will flatten the forward Brent and WTI curves in 2H20, and backwardate them next year, as storage draws continue (Chart 10). Chart 7Oil Supply Falls, Demand Rises ... Chart 8... Onshore Inventories Draw More Than Expected Chart 9Expect Floating Storage To Empty Rapidly Chart 10Falling Storage Levels Will Push Forward Curves Into Backwardation Political Economy Drives Price Evolution The risk of higher gasoline prices as crude marches higher this summer is a risk President Trump already has shown he will not countenance. Following the massive production cuts being implemented this month and next by OPEC 2.0 and the large involuntary output losses outside the coalition, there is a risk prices could rise rapidly in 2H20. The fairly high likelihood demand surprises to the upside in 2H20 cannot be ignored, which would further fuel a price spike. This is a combustible political mix. The risk of higher gasoline prices as crude marches higher this summer is a risk President Trump already has shown he will not countenance, particularly not as an election looms. With this in mind, we iterated on the production required to keep Brent prices below $50/bbl in 2020 in our modeling, consistent with our view of the political economy considerations US elections impose (Table 1). Any additional volumes needed to keep Brent below $50/bbl can be returned to market fairly quickly out of OPEC 2.0 spare capacity. Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) OPEC 2.0’s production cuts have sharply increased the group’s spare capacity to ~ 6.5mm b/d – 5.5mm b/d in OPEC and close to 1mm b/d in Russia and its allies – which means these states will be capable of modulating production quickly and with fairly high precision. The Return Of OPEC 2.0 Production Discipline The budgets of the OPEC 2.0 states have endured massive hits, which can only be repaired by higher oil-export revenues, given their dependence oil sales. After the US elections, OPEC 2.0 production discipline will have to be revived, given the massive fiscal constraints these states are facing. The budgets of the OPEC 2.0 states have endured massive hits, which can only be repaired by higher oil-export revenues, given their dependence oil sales. KSA will want to manage the rate at which prices increase, so that prices rise while global markets are awash in fiscal and monetary stimulus. We believe Russia will acquiesce on this point – i.e., it will not reprise its role as a price dove arguing for lower prices against KSA’s desire for higher prices – given the damage done to its economy from the price collapse in 1H20. That said, taking inventories from historically high levels back down to their 2010-14 average levels – the storage target pursued by OPEC 2.0 prior to the COVID-19-induced price collapse – likely will keep price volatility elevated (Chart 11). An upside demand surprise while production is being aggressively curtailed could sharply raise prices. Indeed, in our modeling of 2021 prices, we again iterated on production to keep Brent prices below $80/bbl, which we believe is the level both KSA and Russia can agree on for the short term. We also believe that the massive fiscal and monetary stimulus sloshing through EM and DM economies will make such prices bearable, provided they are not the result of a supply-side shock. Chart 11Oil Price Volatility Will Remain Elevated The level of uncertainty in the oil markets remains extraordinarily high. Bottom Line: Our price forecasts are premised on a resumption in global growth in 2H20 that lifts crude oil demand, and sharper-than-expected voluntary and involuntary production cuts taking supply significantly lower over the balance of the year and into next year. As the volatility chart above shows, however, the level of uncertainty in the oil markets remains extraordinarily high: A demand surprise to the upside cannot be ignored, but it also could collapse again with a second COVID-19 wave forcing another round of lockdowns. On the supply side, Tropical Storm Arthur launched the hurricane season weeks ahead of schedule. This elevates supply risk in the US Gulf until the end of November, when the season ends. We expect 2020 Brent prices to average $40/bbl and 2021 prices to average $68/bbl. WTI will trade $2-$4/bbl lower. Two-way risk – upside and downside – abounds. Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Overweight OPEC's May Monthly Oil Market Report noted Iraq failed to raise crude oil output in April amid the market-share war instigated by Russia’s refusal to back additional production cuts at OPEC 2.0’s March meeting. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and UAE managed to move their production up by 2.2mm b/d, 2.2mm b/d, and 330k, respectively. In our global oil balances, we assume Iraq will increase production along with core-OPEC 2.0 countries to balance oil markets once demand rebounds later this year. However, its declining production last month could signal Iraq’s ability to increase production is limited and that it will struggle to meet its increasing quota in 4Q20 and 2021. Base Metals: Neutral China’s policy-driven economic recovery continues. Last week’s data release provided evidence of a rebound in the manufacturing, infrastructure, and construction sectors (Chart 12). This will continue to support base metals – primarily copper and aluminum. Precious Metals: Neutral Chairman Powell’s comment that there is “no limit” to what the Fed can do with its emergency lending facilities supports our view that US real rates will remain depressed as inflation expectations move up ahead of nominal rates. Gold and silver are up 2% and 14% since last Tuesday. We believe silver slightly below its equilibrium price vs. gold and industrial metals (Chart 13). Silver could continue to temporarily outpace gold as it moves to equilibrium. Ags/Softs: Underweight US corn planting for the 2020/2021 season is approaching the finish line, with 80% of the crop in the ground so far, as reported by the USDA on Monday. Although this figure was up 13 percentage points since last week, it didn’t meet analysts’ expectations of 82% to 84%, which provided support for corn prices. Furthermore, this week’s sharp rebound in oil prices also was positive for corn, which gained ¢2/bu since the beginning of the week. Chart 12Chinese Investment Tailwind for Base Metals Chart 13Silver Could Temporarily Outpace Gold Footnotes 1 Please see US Storage Tightens, Pushing WTI Lower, our forecast published last month on April 16, 2020, which discussed the production cuts agreed by OPEC 2.0 in April. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see Oil highest since March as Chinese demand reaches 13 MMbpd published May 18, 2020, by worldoil.com. 3 Please see Reassessing the Oil Demand Impact of COVID-19 published by Kayrros on medium.com May 19, 2020. 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