Europe
Highlights So What? Economic stimulus will encourage key nations to pursue their self-interest – keeping geopolitical risk high. Why? The U.S. is still experiencing extraordinary strategic tensions with China and Iran … simultaneously. The Trump-Xi summit at the G20 is unlikely to change the fact that the United States is threatening China with total tariffs and a technology embargo. The U.S. conflict with Iran will be hard to keep under wraps. Expect more fireworks and oil volatility, with a large risk of hostilities as long as the U.S. maintains stringent oil sanctions. All of our GeoRisk indicators are falling except for those of Germany, Turkey and Brazil. This suggests the market is too complacent. Maintain tactical safe-haven positioning. Feature “That’s some catch, that Catch-22,” he observed. “It’s the best there is,” Doc Daneeka agreed. -Joseph Heller, Catch-22 (1961) One would have to be crazy to go to war. Yet a nation has no interest in filling its military’s ranks with lunatics. This is the original “Catch-22,” a conundrum in which the only way to do what is individually rational (avoid war) is to insist on what is collectively irrational (abandon your country). Or the only way to defend your country is to sacrifice yourself. This is the paradox that U.S. President Donald Trump faces having doubled down on his aggressive foreign policy this year: if he backs away from trade war to remove an economic headwind that could hurt his reelection chances, he sacrifices the immense leverage he has built up on behalf of the United States in its strategic rivalry with China. “Surrender” would be a cogent criticism of him on the campaign trail: a weak deal will cast him as a pluto-populist, rather than a real populist – one who pandered to China to give a sop to Wall Street and the farm lobby just like previous presidents, yet left America vulnerable for the long run. Similarly, if President Trump stops enforcing sanctions against Iranian oil exports to reduce the threat of a conflict-induced oil price shock that disrupts his economy, then he reduces the United States’s ability to contain Iran’s nuclear and strategic advances in the wake of the 2015 nuclear deal that he canceled. The low appetite for American involvement in the region will be on full display for the world to see. Iran will have stared down the Great Satan – and won. In both cases, Trump can back down. Or he can try to change the subject. But with weak polling and yet a strong economy, the point is to direct voters’ attention to foreign policy. He could lose touch with his political base at the very moment that the Democrats reconnect with their own. This is not a good recipe for reelection. More important – for investors – why would he admit defeat just as the Federal Reserve is shifting to countenance the interest rate cuts that he insists are necessary to increase his economic ability to drive a hard bargain with China? Why would he throw in the towel as the stock market soars? And if Trump concludes a China deal, and the market rises higher, will he not be emboldened to put more economic pressure on Mexico over border security … or even on Europe over trade? The paradox facing investors is that the shift toward more accommodative monetary policy (and in some cases fiscal policy) extends the business cycle and encourages political leaders to pursue their interests more intently. China is less likely to cave to Trump’s demands as it stimulates. The EU does not need to fear a U.K. crash Brexit if its economy rebounds. This increases rather than decreases the odds of geopolitical risks materializing as negative catalysts for the market. Similarly, if geopolitical risk falls then the need for stimulus falls and the market will be disappointed. The result is still more volatility – at least in the near term. The G20 And 2020 As we go to press the Democratic Party’s primary election debates are underway. The progressive wave on display highlights the overarching takeaway of the debates: the U.S. election is now an active political (and geopolitical) risk to the equity market. A truly positive surprise at the G20 would be a joint statement by Trump and Xi plus some tariff rollback. Whenever Trump’s odds of losing rise, the U.S. domestic economy faces higher odds of extreme policy discontinuity and uncertainty come 2021, with the potential for a populist-progressive agenda – a negative for financials, energy, and probably health care and tech. Yet whenever Trump’s odds of winning rise, the world faces higher odds of an unconstrained Trump second term focusing on foreign and trade policy – a potentially extreme increase in global policy uncertainty – without the fiscal and deregulatory positives of his first term. We still view Trump as the favored candidate in this race (at 55% chance of reelection), given that U.S. underlying domestic demand is holding up and the labor market has not been confirmed to be crumbling beneath the consumer’s feet. Still Chart 1 highlights that Trump’s shift to more aggressive foreign and trade policy this spring has not won him any additional support – his approval rating has been flat since then. And his polling is weak enough in general that we do not assign him as high of odds of reelection as would normally be afforded to a sitting president on the back of a resilient economy. This raises the question of whether the G20 will mark a turning point. Will Trump attempt to deescalate his foreign conflicts? Yes, and this is a tactical opportunity. But we see no final resolution at hand. With China, Trump’s only reason to sign a weak deal would be to stem a stock market collapse. With Iran, Trump is no longer in the driver’s seat but could be forced to react to Iranian provocations. Bottom Line: Trump’s polling has not improved – highlighting the election risk – but weak polling amid a growing economy and monetary easing is not a recipe for capitulating to foreign powers. The Trump-Xi Summit On China the consensus on the G20 has shifted toward expecting an extension of talks and another temporary tariff truce. If a new timetable is agreed, it may be a short-term boon for equities. But we will view it as unconvincing unless it is accompanied with a substantial softening on Huawei or a Trump-Xi joint statement outlining an agreement in principle along with some commitment of U.S. tariff rollback. Otherwise the structural dynamic is the same: Trump is coercing China with economic warfare amid a secular increase in U.S.-China animosity that is a headwind for trade and investment. Table 1 shows that throughout the modern history of U.S.-China presidential-level summits, the Great Recession marked a turning point: since then, bilateral relations have almost always deteriorated in the months after a summit, even if the optics around the summit were positive. Table 1U.S.-China Leaders Summits: A Chronology The last summit in Buenos Aires was no exception, given that the positive aura was ultimately followed by a tariff hike and technology-company blacklistings. Of course, the market rallied for five months in between. Why should this time be the same? First, the structural factors undermining Sino-American trust are worse, not better, with Trump’s latest threats to tech companies. Second, Trump will ultimately resent any decision to extend the negotiations. China’s economy is rebounding, which in the coming months will deprive Trump of much of the leverage he had in H2 2018 and H1 2019. He will be in a weaker position if they convene in three months to try to finalize a deal. Tariff rollback will be more difficult in that context given that China will be in better shape and that tariffs serve as the guarantee that any structural concessions will be implemented. Bottom Line: Our broader view regarding the “end game” of the talks – on the 2020 election horizon – remains that China has no reason to implement structural changes speedily for the United States until Trump can prove his resilience through reelection. Yet President Trump will suffer on the campaign trail if he accepts a deal that lacks structural concessions. Hence we expect further escalation from where we are today, knowing full well that the G20 could produce a temporary period of improvement just as occurred on December 1, 2018. The Iran Showdown Is Far From Over Disapproval of Trump’s handling of China and Iran is lower than his disapproval rating on trade policy and foreign policy overall, suggesting that despite the lack of a benefit to his polling, he does still have leeway to pursue his aggressive policies to a point. A breakdown of these opinions according to key voting blocs – a proxy for Trump’s ability to generate support in Midwestern swing states – illustrates that his political base is approving on the whole (Chart 2). Yet the conflict with Iran threatens Trump with a hard constraint – an oil price shock – that is fundamentally a threat to his reelection. Hence his decision, as we expected, to back away from the brink of war last week (he supposedly canceled air strikes on radar and missile installations at the last minute on June 21). He appears to be trying to control the damage that his policy has already done to the 2015 U.S.-Iran equilibrium. Trump has insisted he does not want war, has ruled out large deployments of boots on the ground, and has suggested twice this week that his only focus in trying to get Iran back into negotiations is nuclear weapons. This implies a watering down of negotiation demands to downplay Iran’s militant proxies in the region – it is a retreat from Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s more sweeping 12 demands on Iran and a sign of Trump’s unwillingness to get embroiled in a regional conflict with a highly likely adverse economic blowback. The Iran confrontation is not over yet – policy-induced oil price volatility will continue. This retreat lacks substance if Trump does not at least secretly relax enforcement of the oil sanctions. Trump’s latest sanctions and reported cyberattacks are a sideshow in the context of an attempted oil embargo that could destabilize Iran’s entire economy (Charts 3 and 4). Similarly, Iran’s downing of a U.S. drone pales in comparison to the tanker attacks in Hormuz that threatened global oil shipments. What matters to investors is the oil: whether Iran is given breathing space or whether it is forced to escalate the conflict to try to win that breathing space. Chart 4Iran’s Rial Depreciated Sharply The latest data suggest that Iran’s exports have fallen to 300,000 barrels per day, a roughly 90% drop from 2018, when Trump walked away from the Iran deal. If this remains the case in the wake of the brinkmanship last week then it is clear that Iran is backed into a corner and could continue to snarl and snap at the U.S. and its regional allies, though it may pause after the tanker attacks. Chart 5More Oil Volatility To Come Tehran also has an incentive to dial up its nuclear program and activate its regional militant proxies in order to build up leverage for any future negotiation. It can continue to refuse entering into negotiations with Trump in order to embarrass him – and it can wait until Trump’s approach is validated by reelection before changing this stance. After all, judging by the first Democratic primary debate, biding time is the best strategy – the Democratic candidates want to restore the 2015 deal and a new Democratic administration would have to plead with Iran, even to get terms less demanding than those in 2015. Other players can also trigger an escalation even if Presidents Trump and Rouhani decide to take a breather in their conflict (which they have not clearly decided to do). The Houthi rebels based in Yemen have launched another missile at Abha airport in Saudi Arabia since Trump’s near-attack on Iran, an action that is provocative, easily replicable, and not necessarily directly under Tehran’s control. Meanwhile OPEC is still dragging its feet on oil production to compensate for the Iranian losses, implying that the cartel will react to price rises rather than preempt them. The Saudis could use production or other means to stoke conflict. Bottom Line: Given our view on the trade war, which dampens global oil demand, we expect still more policy-induced volatility (Chart 5). We do not see oil as a one-way bet … at least not until China’s shift to greater stimulus becomes unmistakable. North Korea: The Hiccup Is Over Chart 6China Ostensibly Enforces North Korean Sanctions The single clearest reason to expect progress between the U.S. and China at the G20 is the fact that North Korea is getting back onto the diplomatic track. North Korea has consistently been shown to be part of the Trump-Xi negotiations, unlike Taiwan, the South China Sea, Xinjiang, and other points of disagreement. General Secretary Xi Jinping took his first trip to the North on June 20 – the first for a Chinese leader since 2005 – and emphasized the need for historic change, denuclearization, and economic development. Xi is pushing Kim to open up and reform the economy in exchange for a lasting peace process – an approach that is consistent with China’s past policy but also potentially complementary with Trump’s offer of industrialization in exchange for denuclearization. President Trump and Kim Jong Un have exchanged “beautiful” letters this month and re-entered into backchannel discussions. Trump’s visit to South Korea after the G20 will enable him and President Moon Jae-In to coordinate for a possible third summit between Trump and Kim. Progress on North Korea fits our view that the failed summit in Hanoi was merely a setback and that the diplomatic track is robust. Trump’s display of a credible military threat along with Chinese sanctions enforcement (Chart 6) has set in motion a significant process on the peninsula that we largely expect to succeed and go farther than the consensus expects. It is a long-term positive for the Korean peninsula’s economy. It is also a positive factor in the U.S.-China engagement based on China’s interest in ultimately avoiding war and removing U.S. troops from the peninsula. From an investment point of view, an end to a brief hiatus in U.S.-North Korean diplomacy is a very poor substitute for concrete signs of U.S.-China progress on the tech front or opening market access. There has been nothing substantial on these key issues since Trump hiked the tariff rate in May. As a result, it is perfectly possible for the G20 to be a “success” on North Korea but, like the Buenos Aires summit on December 1, for markets to sell the news (Chart 7). Chart 7The Last Trade Truce Didn't Stop The Selloff Chart 8China Needs A Final Deal To Solve This Problem Bottom Line: North Korea is not a basis in itself for tariff rollback, but only as part of a much more extensive U.S.-China agreement. And a final agreement is needed to improve China’s key trade indicators on a lasting basis, such as new export orders and manufacturing employment, which are suffering amid the trade war. We expect economic policy uncertainty to remain elevated given our pessimistic view of U.S.-China trade relations (Chart 8). What About Japan, The G20 Host? Japan faces underrated domestic political risk as Prime Minister Abe Shinzo approaches a critical period in his long premiership, after which he will almost certainly be rendered a “lame duck,” likely by the time of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The question is when will this process begin and what will the market impact be? If Abe loses his supermajority in the July House of Councillors election, then it could begin as early as next month. This is a real risk – because a two-thirds majority is always a tall order – but it is not extreme. Abe’s polling is historically remarkable (Chart 9). The Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition partner Komeito are also holding strong and remain miles away from competing parties (Chart 10). The economy is also holding up relatively well – real wages and incomes have improved under Abe’s watch (Chart 11). However, the recent global manufacturing slowdown and this year’s impending hike to the consumption tax in October from 8% to 10% are killing consumer confidence. Chart 10Japan's Ruling Coalition Is Strong The collapse in consumer confidence is a contrary indicator to the political opinion polling. The mixed picture suggests that after the election Abe could still backtrack on the tax hike, although it would require driving through surprise legislation. He can pull this off in light of global trade tensions and his main objective of passing a popular referendum to revise the constitution and remilitarize the country. Chart 11Japanese Wages Up, But Consumer Confidence Diving We would not be surprised if Japan secured a trade deal with the U.S. prior to China. Because Abe and the United States need to enhance their alliance, we continue to downplay the risk of a U.S.-Japan trade war. Bloomberg recently reported that President Trump was threatening to downgrade the U.S.-Japan alliance, with a particular grievance over the ever-controversial issue of the relocation of troops on Okinawa. We view this as a transparent Trumpian negotiating tactic that has no applicability – indeed, American military and diplomatic officials quickly rejected the report. We do see a non-trivial risk that Trump’s rhetoric or actions will hurt Japanese equities at some point this year, either as Trump approaches his desired August deadline for a Japan trade deal or if negotiations drag on until closer to his decision about Section 232 tariffs on auto imports on November 14. But our base case is that there will be either no punitive measures or only a short time span before Abe succeeds in negotiating them away. We would not be surprised if the Japanese secured a deal prior to any China deal as a way for the Trump administration to try to pressure China and prove that it can get deals done. This can be done because it could be a thinly modified bilateral renegotiation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which had the U.S. and Japan at its center. Bottom Line: Given the combination of the upper house election, the tax hike and its possible consequences, a looming constitutional referendum which poses risks to Abe, and the ongoing external threat of trade war and China tensions, we continue to see risk-off sentiment driving Japanese and global investors to hold then yen. We maintain our long JPY/USD recommendation. The risk to this view is that Bank of Japan chief Haruhiko Kuroda follows other central banks and makes a surprisingly dovish move, but this is not warranted at the moment and is not the base case of our Foreign Exchange Strategy. GeoRisk Indicators Update: June 28, 2019 Our GeoRisk indicators are sending a highly complacent message given the above views on China and Iran. All of our risk measures, other than our German, Turkish, and Brazilian indicators, are signaling a decrease geopolitical tensions. Investors should nonetheless remain cautious: Our German indicator, which has proven to be a good measure of U.S.-EU trade tensions, has increased over the first half of June (Chart 12). We expect Germany to continue to be subject to risk because of Trump’s desire to pivot to European trade negotiations in the wake of any China deal. The auto tariff decision was pushed off until November. We assign a 45% subjective probability to auto tariffs on the EU if Trump seals a final China deal. The reason it is not our base case is because of a lack of congressional, corporate, or public support for a trade war with Europe as opposed to China or Mexico, which touch on larger issues of national interest (security, immigration). There is perhaps a 10% probability that Trump could impose car tariffs prior to securing a China deal. Chart 12U.S.-EU Trade Tensions Hit Germany Chart 13German Greens Overtaking Christian Democrats! Germany is also an outlier because it is experiencing an increase in domestic political uncertainty. Social Democrat leader Andrea Nahles’ resignation on June 2 opened the door to a leadership contest among the SPD’s membership. This will begin next week and conclude on October 26, or possibly in December. The result will have consequences for the survivability of Merkel’s Grand Coalition – in case the SPD drops out of it entirely. Both Merkel and her party have been losing support in recent months – for the first time in history the Greens have gained the leading position in the polls (Chart 13). If the coalition falls apart and Merkel cannot put another one together with the Greens and Free Democrats, she may be forced to resign ahead of her scheduled 2021 exit date. The implication of the events with Trump and Merkel is that Germany faces higher political risk this year, particularly in Q4 if tariff threats and coalition strains coincide. Meanwhile, Brazilian pension reform has been delayed due to an inevitable breakdown in the ability to pass major legislation without providing adequate pork barrel spending. As for the rest of Europe, since European Central Bank President Mario Draghi’s dovish signal on June 18, all of our European risk indicators have dropped off. Markets rallied on the news of the ECB’s preparedness to launch another round of bond-buying monetary stimulus if needed, easing tensions in the region. Italian bond spreads plummeted, for instance. The Korean and Taiwanese GeoRisk indicators, our proxies for the U.S.-China trade war, are indicating a decrease in risk as the two sides moved to contain the spike in tensions in May. While Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin notes that the deal was 90% complete in May before the breakdown, there is little evidence yet that any of the sticking points have been removed over the past two weeks. These indicators can continue to improve on the back of any short-term trade truce at the G20. The Russian risk indicator has been hovering in the same range for the past two months. We expect this to break out on the back of increasing mutual threats between the U.S. and Russia. The U.S. has recently agreed to send an additional 1000 rotating troops to Poland, a move that Russia obviously deems aggressive. The Russian upper chamber has also unanimously supported President Putin’s decree to suspend the Intermediate Nuclear Forces treaty, in the wake of the U.S. decision to do so. This would open the door to developing and deploying 500-5500 km range land-based and ballistic missiles. According to the deputy foreign minister, any U.S. missile deployment in Europe will lead to a crisis on the level of the Cuban Missile Crisis. Russia has also sided with Iran in the latest U.S.-Iran tension escalation, denouncing U.S. plans to send an additional 1000 troops to the Middle East and claiming that the shot-down U.S. drone was indeed in Iranian airspace. We anticipate the Russian risk indicator to go up as we expect Russia to retaliate in some way to Poland and to take actions to encourage the U.S. to get entangled deeper into the Iranian imbroglio, which is ultimately a drain on the U.S. and a useful distraction that Russia can exploit. In Turkey, both domestic and foreign tensions are rising. First, the re-run of the Istanbul mayoral election delivered a big defeat for Turkey’s President Erdogan on his home turf. Opposition representative Ekrem Imamoglu defeated former Prime Minister Binali Yildirim for a second time this year on June 23 – increasing his margin of victory to 9.2% from 0.2% in March. This was a stinging rebuke to Erdogan and his entire political system. It also reinforces the fact that Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) is not as popular as Erdogan himself, frequently falling short of the 50% line in the popular vote for elections not associated directly with Erdogan (Chart 14). This trend combined with his personal rebuke in the power base of Istanbul will leave him even more insecure and unpredictable. Second, the G20 summit is the last occasion for Erdogan and Trump to meet personally before the July 31 deadline on Erdogan’s planned purchase of S-400 missile defenses from Russia. Erdogan has a chance to delay the purchase as he contemplates cabinet and policy changes in the wake of this major domestic defeat. Yet if Erdogan does not back down or delay, the U.S. will remove Turkey from the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program, and may also impose sanctions over this purchase and possibly also Iranian trade. The result will hit the lira and add to Turkey’s economic woes. Geopolitically, it will create a wedge within NATO that Russia could exploit, creating more opportunities for market-negative surprises in this area. Finally, we expect our U.K. risk indicator to perk up, as the odds of a no-deal Brexit are rising. Boris Johnson will likely assume Conservative Party leadership and the party is moving closer to attempting a no-deal exit. We assign a 21% probability to this kind of Brexit, up from our previous estimate of 14%. It is more likely that Johnson will get a deal similar to Theresa May’s deal passed or that he will be forced to extend negotiations beyond October. Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com France: GeoRisk Indicator U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator What's On The Geopolitical Radar? Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
Highlights When it comes to policy easing, the euro area 5-year yield at -0.15 percent is running out of road, while the U.S. 5-year yield is still at the dizzying heights of 1.8 percent. Hence, the ECB is likely to come out the loser in any ‘battle of the doves’ with the Federal Reserve. German bunds will continue to underperform U.S. T-bonds Take profits in the overweighting to Spanish Bonos and Portuguese bonds. Equity investors should go underweight European industrials and switch to the less economically-sensitive and price-sensitive healthcare sector. Feature The German 5-year bund yield recently plunged to -0.7 percent – significantly below even the -0.25 percent yield on the Japanese 5-year government bond (JGB) (Chart of the Week). This has left many people scratching their heads and wondering: is the bond market signalling that Europe is on the cusp of a vicious deflationary vortex? Chart I-1Bund Yield, How Low Can You Go? The answer is, not necessarily. The head-to-head comparison of the yields on German bunds and JGBs is misleading, because the German bund yield includes a significant discount for the possibility of currency redenomination to a new ‘super deutschmark’ (Chart I-2) while the JGB yield does not, and cannot, have such a redenomination discount given that the yen cannot break up. Chart I-2The German 5-Year Bund Yield Carries A Redenomination Discount Why The German Bund Yield Can Go Deeply Negative The German bund yield can drop to deeply negative levels, even when the policy interest rate is, and expected to remain, close to zero. This is because a negative yield on the German bund is rational if investors anticipate an equal and opposite currency gain in the event that the euro broke up. A negative yield on the German bund is rational if investors anticipate an equal and opposite currency gain. For example, if you were certain that the bund was going to deliver you deutschmarks worth 20 percent more than euros, you would accept a symmetrically negative yield near -20 percent; if you were sure of a 10 percent redenomination gain, you would accept a yield near -10 percent; and even if you expected a relatively low one-in-twenty likelihood of the 10 percent redenomination gain, this would equate to an expected gain of 0.5 percent, so you would accept a negative yield near -0.5 percent.1 Hence, an individual euro area bond yield is made up of three components: The interest rate term-structure. The likely size and direction of a currency redenomination. The likelihood of such a currency redenomination event. Chart I-3The Euro Area Term-Structure Is Much Lower Than In The U.S., But Not Quite As Low As In Japan By contrast, the yield on the JGB, U.S. T-bond and U.K. gilt is made up of just the first component, the interest rate term-structure. So, unlike the JGB, T-bond, or gilt, we cannot get information about the euro area’s interest rate term-structure from the German bund yield – or any other euro area bond yield – by itself. Fortunately, we can derive the euro area interest rate term-structure from the average euro area bond yield because, at the aggregate level, the expected currency redenomination must sum to zero.2 Understanding the components of the German 5-year bund yield enables us to decompose its current -0.7 percent yield into two parts: -0.15 percent is from the interest rate term-structure – which is low but not quite as low as Japan (Chart I-3) – while the lion’s share, -0.55 percent, is from the redenomination discount. A Strategy For Bonds Turning to the decline in the yield through the past nine months, the lion’s share has not come from a widening redenomination discount. It has come from a collapse in the global interest rate term-structure, during which the redenomination discount has actually narrowed by 0.2 percent. One important consequence is that German bunds have underperformed their peers as their yield shortfall versus both U.S. T-bonds and Italian BTPs has narrowed (Chart I-4 and Chart I-5). Can the trend continue? Chart I-4The German 5-Year Bund's Yield Shortfall Has Narrowed Versus Both U.S. T-Bonds And Italian BTPs Chart I-5The German 10-Year Bund's Yield Shortfall Has Narrowed Versus Both U.S. T-Bonds And Italian BTPs The answer is yes. When it comes to policy easing, the euro area 5-year yield at -0.15 percent is running out of road, compared with the U.S. 5-year yield at the dizzying heights of 1.8 percent. Put bluntly, from these levels of yields the ECB is likely to come out the loser in any ‘battle of the doves’ with the Federal Reserve and bunds will underperform T-bonds – exactly as we witnessed last week. Meanwhile, as absolute yields have declined euro redenomination (break-up) risk has actually diminished (Chart I-6). This makes perfect sense because solvency is an absolute concept, and the solvency of fragile Italian banks has improved in line with the higher capital values of their Italian BTP holdings. Many euro area ‘periphery’ yield spreads have already compressed to wafer-thin levels. That said, many euro area ‘periphery’ yield spreads have already compressed to wafer-thin levels. Hence, we are pleased to report that our overweighting to Spanish Bonos (versus French OATS) is now up 10 percent while our long-standing overweighting to Portuguese bonds is up 50 percent. Given that most of the yield spread compression for Spain and Portugal is now over, we are closing these positions and taking the healthy profits (Chart I-7). Chart I-6Euro Break-Up Risk Has Diminished Recently Chart I-7For Spain, Most Of The Yield Spread Compression Has Already Happened Where President Trump Is Right About Europe President Trump and the ECB might be like chalk and cheese, but they do agree on one thing. The ECB’s own analysis – available at https://www.ecb.europa.eu/stats – shows that the trade-weighted euro needs to appreciate by at least 10 percent to cancel the euro area’s competitive advantage versus its major trading partners including the United States (Chart I-8). Chart I-8The Euro Needs To Appreciate By 10 Percent To Cancel The Euro Area’s ##br##Over-Competitiveness Even more controversially, the central bank’s own analysis shows that the ECB itself is to blame for the euro area’s significant competitive advantage. Prior to the ECB’s extreme and unprecedented policy easing, the euro area’s competitiveness was exactly in line with its trading partners. The ECB does not explicitly target the exchange rate, but it is fully aware that extremely accommodative monetary policy, and especially relative monetary policy, will boost the euro area’s competitiveness and thereby create trade imbalances. On this point, President Trump is spot on (Chart I-9). Chart I-9Relative Monetary Policy Has Created The Huge Trade Imbalance Between The Euro Area And The U.S. Even if the ECB feels justified in its policy, it is now running out of road. To reiterate, in the coming months the ECB is likely to come out second best in any ‘battle of the doves’ with the Federal Reserve. Any resulting yield spread compression between the euro area and U.S. will lift the euro and start to correct the euro area’s massive trade surplus with the U.S. The euro needs to appreciate by 10 percent to cancel the euro area’s competitive advantage. Another development is that the up-oscillation in growth that has benefited the euro area, and world, economy over the past two or three quarters is about to end and flip into a down-oscillation. We will expand on this crucial issue in next week’s report, so don’t miss it! Putting this all together, euro area firms exporting price-elastic discretionary goods and services are likely to get hurt. For the second half of the year, equity investors should go underweight European industrials and switch to the less economically-sensitive and price-sensitive healthcare sector. Finally, following the dovish surprises from central banks in recent weeks, our short 30:60:10 portfolio of equities, bonds and oil reached its 3 percent technical stop-loss. However, we are maintaining the short portfolio for the time being, in the belief that a continued synchronized rally across all asset-classes is now harder to deliver. Fractal Trading System* Supporting the fundamental argument in the main body of the report, the fractal trading system highlights that the 6-month outperformance of euro area industrials is now technically extended and vulnerable to a trend-reversal. Accordingly, this week’s recommended trade is to short euro area industrials versus the market. The tickers are EXH4 versus EXSA, and the profit target is 2 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. In other trades, short bitcoin reached its stop-loss and is now closed. The other trades are all in profit. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-10Euro Area Industrials Vs. Market The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. Dhaval Joshi, Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The numbers quoted are for a simplified example. Consider a zero-coupon German bund redeeming at 100 a year from now. If the interest rate was zero, then you would pay 100 for it today, meaning the bund yield would be zero. But if you were certain that the bund would redeem not in euros, but in deutschmarks which would appreciate 20 percent versus the euro, you would pay 120 for the bund, meaning it would yield -17 percent. If the certain redenomination was a 10 percent appreciation, you would pay 110, and the yield would be -9 percent. But if this 10 percent redenomination was uncertain with a probability of 5 percent, your expected gain would be 0.5, you would pay 100.5, and the yield would be -0.5 percent. 2 Effectively, we can think of the euro as the sum of its strong and weak ‘component’ currencies. 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It is not yet a done deal, but the shift within the party in favor of accepting a “no deal” exit is clear. None of the remaining candidates is willing to forgo that option. The newest development advances us along our decision tree, altering the conditional…
Interest rate differentials are moving against the dollar, but our important takeaway – that gold continues to outperform Treasurys – is an ominous sign. Gold has stood as a viable threat to dollar liabilities, any sign that the balance of forces are moving…
In absolute terms, Thai financial markets are leveraged to global trade and will sell off if global growth deteriorates further. But Thai equities, credit, currency and domestic bonds will continue outperforming their EM peers because of the following…
Highlights The unifying chorus among global central banks is currently for more monetary stimulus. In the race towards lower interest rates, the ultimate winners will be pro-cyclical currencies. Italian 10-year real government bond yields are rapidly joining those in Spain and Portugal in being below the neutral rate of interest for the entire euro zone. This is hugely reflationary. That said, growth barometers remain in freefall, suggesting some patience is still warranted. We are watching like hawks a few key crosses that are sitting at critical technical levels. A break below will signal we are entering a deflationary bust. A bounce could be a prologue to a reflationary rally. Watch the bond-to-gold ratio to gauge where the balance of forces are shifting for the U.S. dollar. Tepid action by the BoJ this week reinforces our view that the path towards additional stimulus will be lined by a stronger yen. Stay short USD/JPY. We were a few pips away from our stop loss on long GBP/USD this week. Stand aside if triggered. The Norges Bank has emerged as the most hawkish G10 central bank. Hold long NOK/SEK and short CAD/NOK positions. Feature As early as 1625, Hugo De Groot, then a Dutch philosopher, saw the act of pre-emptively striking an enemy as a move of self-defense. With a mandate of self-preservation, it made sense for a country to wage war for injury not yet done, if sufficient evidence pointed to colossal damage from no action. So faced with some important central bank meetings this week, and European manufacturing data well into freefall, the European Central Bank pulled a trick out of an old playbook. At an ECB forum in Sintra, Portugal, President Mario Draghi highlighted that if the inflation outlook failed to improve, the central bank had considerable headroom to launch a fresh expansion of its balance sheet. With its next policy meeting not until July 25th, it sure did feel like the ECB was cornered. What followed was as expected, a more dovish Federal Reserve, Bank Of Japan and Bank of England. Paradoxically, those two words might have opened a reflationary window and triggered one of the necessary catalysts for a sharp selloff in the U.S. dollar (Chart I-1). Time Lags The key question today is whether central banks have sufficiently eased policy to stem the decline in manufacturing data. Obviously, the trade war remains a key risk to whatever direction indicators might be pointing to today, but a few key observations are in order. Chart I-1A Countertrend Rally Underway Chart I-2Dovish Central Banks Should Help Growth Our global monetary policy barometer tends to lead the PMI by about six months. It tracks 29 central banks, gauging which have tightened policy over the last three months and which have not. Since the global financial crisis, whenever the measure has hit the critical threshold of 15-20%, it has correctly signaled that the pace of manufacturing activity is likely to slow. It is entirely another debate whether or not the world we live in today can tolerate higher interest rates, but our barometer has clearly plunged into reflationary territory – below the 20% threshold. This has usually been followed by a pick-up in manufacturing activity (Chart I-2). Data out of Singapore has been a timely tracker of global trade and warrants monitoring. Most real-time measures of economic activity remain weak, especially in the export sector, but it appears shipping activity may have been picking up pace over the past few months. Both the Harpex Shipping Index and the Baltic Dry Index have been perking up. Similarly, vessel arrivals into Singapore that tend to lead exports have stopped their pace of deceleration. It is still too early to read much into this data, since it could be a reflection of re-stocking ahead of possible tariffs. That said, data out of Singapore has been a timely tracker of global trade and warrants monitoring (Chart I-3). Chart I-3ASigns Of Life Along Shipping Lanes Chart I-3BWatch Activity At Singaporean Ports Chinese money growth, especially forward-looking liquidity indicators such as M2 relative to GDP, has bottomed. Historically, this has lit a fire under cyclical stocks, and by extension pro-cyclical currencies. This is also consistent with the fall in Chinese bond yields that has historically tended to be supportive for money growth in the ensuing months (Chart I-4). Overall industrial production remains weak, but the production of electricity and steel, inputs into the overall manufacturing value chain, are inflecting higher. Intuitively, these tend to lead overall industrial production. In recent weeks, both steel and iron ore prices have been soaring. Many commentators have attributed these increases to supply bottlenecks and/or seasonal demand. However, it is evident from both the manufacturing data and the trend in prices that demand is also playing a role. Overall residential property sales remain soft, but the evidence from tier-1 and even tier-2 cities is that this may be behind us. A revival in the property market will support construction activity, investment and imports (Chart I-5). Chart I-4A Bullish Signal For Chinese Liquidity Finally, high-beta currencies such as the RUB/USD, ZAR/USD and BRL/USD have stopped falling and are off their lows of the year. These currencies are usually good at sniffing out a change in the investment landscape, specifically one becoming more favorable to carry trades. The message so far is that the drop in U.S. bond yields may have been sufficient to make these currencies attractive again (Chart I-6). On a similar note, if currencies in emerging Asia that sit closer to the epicenter of Chinese stimulus can rally from here, it would indicate that policy stimulus is sufficient, and that the transmission mechanism is working. Chart I-6High-Beta Currencies Have Stopped Falling Chart I-7AUD/JPY Near A Critical Level Importantly, the AUD/JPY cross is sitting at an important technical level. Ever since the financial crisis, 72.5 has proven to be formidable intra-day resistance, with the cross failing to break below both during the euro area debt crisis in 2011-2012 and the China slowdown of 2015-2016. Speculators are neutral on the cross, suggesting any move in either direction could be powerful and significant. A break below will signal we are entering a deflationary bust. A bounce could be a prologue to a reflationary rally (Chart I-7). Bottom Line: We are watching a few key reflationary indicators to gauge whether it pays to be contrarian. The message is tipping in favor of pro-cyclical currencies, and further improvement will give us the green light to adopt a more pro-cyclical stance. The Message From The U.S. Dollar The market interpreted the Fed’s latest monetary policy announcement as dovish, even though the central bank kept rates on hold. What transpired during the conference was the market increasing its bets for more aggressive rate cuts. The swaps market is currently pricing in 94 basis points of rate cuts over the next 12 months, versus 76 basis points a fortnight ago. This shift has pushed down the dollar, lifting other currencies and gold in the process. U.S. bond yields have also punched below 2%. Interest rate differentials are moving against the dollar, but our important takeaway – that gold continues to outperform Treasurys – is an ominous sign. Even before the financial crisis, a long-standing benchmark for gauging ultimate downside in the dollar was the bond-to-gold ratio. This is because gold has stood as a viable threat to dollar liabilities, capturing the ebbs and flows of investor confidence in the greenback tick for tick. Any sign that the balance of forces are moving away from the U.S. dollar will favor a breakout in the bond-to-gold ratio. Chart I-8Major Peak In The Bond-To-Gold Ratio? The rationale is pretty simple. Investors who are worried about U.S. twin deficits and the crowded trade of being long Treasurys will shift into gold, since pretty much every other major bond market (Germany, Switzerland, Japan) have negative yields. That favors gold at the expense of the dollar. The reverse is true if investors consider Treasurys more of a safe haven. The bond-to-gold ratio and dollar tend to move tick for tick, so a breakout in one can be a signal for what will happen to the other. This is why we are watching this ratio like hawks, and the breakdown this week is a bad omen for the U.S. dollar (Chart I-8). The euro might be the biggest beneficiary from the fall in the dollar. The standard dilemma for the euro zone is that interest rates have always been too low for the most productive nation, Germany, but too expensive for others such as Spain and Italy.1 As such, the euro has typically been caught in a tug-of-war between a rising equilibrium rate of interest for Germany, but a very low neutral rate for the peripheral countries. The silver lining is that the ECB may now have finally lowered domestic interest rates and eased policy to the point where they are accommodative for almost all euro zone countries: 10-year government bond yields in France, Spain, Portugal and even Italy now sit close to or below the neutral rate (Chart I-9). The ECB may now have finally lowered domestic interest rates and eased policy to the point where they are accommodative for almost all euro zone countries. Chart I-9The ECB May Have Won The Euro Battle The drop in the euro since 2018 has also eased financial conditions and made euro zone companies more competitive. This is a tailwind for European stocks. Fortunately for investors, European equities, especially those in the periphery, remain unloved, given they are trading at some of the cheapest cyclically adjusted price-to-earnings multiples in the developed world. Analysts began aggressively revising up their earnings estimates for euro zone equities earlier this year, relative to the U.S. If they are right, this could lead into powerful inflows into the euro over the next nine to 12 months (Chart I-10). Chart I-10The Euro May Be On The Verge Of A Major Pop Bottom Line: Falling rate expectations relative to policy action have historically been bearish for the dollar with a lag of about nine to 12 months. The dollar has been relatively resilient, despite interest rate differentials are moving against it, but has started to converge towards lower rates. One winner will be EUR/USD. Stay Short USD/JPY The BoJ kept monetary policy on hold this week, but the message was cautious, even encouraging fiscal support. It looks like the end of the Heisei era2 has brought forward a well-known quandary for the central bank, which is that additional monetary policy options are hard to come by, since there have been diminishing economic returns to additional stimulus. This puts short USD/JPY bets in an enviable “heads I win, tails I do not lose too much” position. Chart I-11Stealth Tapering By The BoJ The BoJ maintained Yield Curve Control (YCC), stating it will continue to “conduct purchases of JGBs in a flexible manner so that their amount outstanding will increase at an annual pace of about 80 trillion yen.”3 But with the BoJ owning 46% of outstanding JGBs, about 75% of ETFs and almost 5% of JREITs, this will be a tall order (Chart I-11). The supply side obviously puts a serious limitation on how much more stimulus the central bank can provide. Total annual asset purchases by the BoJ are currently running at about ¥27 trillion, while JGBs purchases are running at ¥20 trillion. This is a far cry from the central bank’s soft target of ¥80 trillion, and unlikely to change anytime soon, given bond yields closing in on the -20 basis-point floor. This means interest rate differentials are likely to move in favor of a stronger yen short term (Chart I-12). The BoJ targets an inflation rate of 2%, but it is an open question as to whether it can actually achieve this. The overarching theme for prices in Japan is a rapidly falling (and ageing) population leading to deficient demand. More importantly, almost 40% of the Japanese consumption basket is in tradeable goods, meaning domestic inflation is as much driven by the influence of the BoJ as it is by globalization. Even for prices within the BoJ’s control, an ageing demographic that has a strong preference for falling prices is a powerful conflicting force. For example, transportation and telecommunications make up 17% of the core consumption basket in Japan, a non-negligible weight. This is and will remain a powerful drag on CPI, making it very difficult for the BoJ to re-anchor inflation expectations upward. The risk to short USD/JPY positions is that the BoJ will eventually act, but it may first require a riot point. On the other side of the coin, YCC and negative interest rates have been an anathema for Japanese net interest margins and share prices. This, together with QE, has pushed banks to search for yield down the credit spectrum. Any policy shift that is increasingly negative for banks could easily tip them over. Chart I-12Can Japan Drop Rates Further? Chart I-13MMT Might Be What The Doctor Ordered Bottom Line: Inflation expectations remain at rock-bottom levels in Japan, at a time when the BoJ may be running out of policy bullets. Meanwhile, the margin of error for the BoJ is non-trivial, since a small external shock could tip the economy back into deflation. The risk to short USD/JPY positions is that the BoJ will eventually act, but it may first require a riot point (Chart I-13). A Final Note On The Pound A new conservative leadership is at the margin more negative for the pound (the assessment of our geopolitical strategists is that the odds of a hard Brexit have risen from 14% to 21%). However, our simple observation is that the pound is below where it was after the 2016 referendum results, yet more people are now in favor of staying in the union (Chart I-14). Chart I-14Support For Brexit Is Low, But Has Risen Chart I-15Low Rates Could Help British Capex The BoE kept rates on hold following its latest policy meeting and will continue to err on the side of caution until the Brexit imbroglio is resolved. The reality is that the pound and U.K. gilt yields should be much higher solely on the basis of hard incoming data. Yes, the data has softened, but employment growth has been holding up very well, wages are inflecting higher and the average U.K. consumer appears in decent shape. Investment and construction have been the weak spot in the U.K. economy but may marginally improve on low rates (Chart I-15). We remain long the pound, given lower overall odds of a no-deal Brexit. That said, our long GBP/USD position was a few pips from being stopped out this week. Stand aside if triggered. Housekeeping Our stop-loss on long EUR/CHF was triggered at 1.11 yesterday. Stand aside for now, but we will be looking for opportunities to put this trade back on. Chester Ntonifor, Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, titled “EUR/USD And The Neutral Rate Of Interest,” dated June 14, 2019, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 2 The Heisei era refers to the period of Japanese history corresponding to the reign of Emperor Akihito from 8 January 1989 until his abdication on 30 April 2019. 3 Please refer to the Bank of Japan “Minutes of The Monetary Policy Meeting,” dated June 20, 2019, page 1. Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.S. have been mostly negative: Retail sales grew by 0.5% month-on-month in May. University of Michigan consumer sentiment and expectation indices both fell to 97.9 and 88.6 in June. However, current conditions index increased to 112.5. NY empire state manufacturing index came in at -8.6 in June, falling below 0 for the first time since October 2016. NAHB housing market index fell to 64 in June. Housing starts contracted by 0.9% month-on-month in May, while building permits increased by 0.3% month-on-month. Current account deficit decreased to $130.4 billion in Q1. Philadelphia Fed Business Outlook survey index fell to 0.3 in June. DXY index fell by 1% this week. This Wednesday, the Fed has kept interest rates steady at 2.5%, but left the door open for rate cuts in the future as Powell stated that “Many participants now see the case for somewhat more accommodative policy has strengthened.” The dollar has weakened in response to the dovish pivot. Report Links: EUR/USD And The Neutral Rate Of Interest - June 14, 2019 Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 President Trump And The Dollar - May 9, 2019 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 Recent data in the euro area have been negative with muted inflation: Trade surplus narrowed to €15.3 billion in April. Headline and core inflation fell to 1.2% and 0.8% year-on-year respectively in May. ZEW survey expectations index fell to -20.2 in June. Current account surplus decreased to €20.9 billion in April. Construction output growth fell to 3.9% year-on-year in April. Consumer confidence fell further to -7.2 in June. EUR/USD increased by 0.7% this week. The cross fell initially on Draghi’s dovish message that ECB would ease policy again should inflation fail to accelerate, then rebounded on broad dollar weakness this Wednesday following the Fed’s dovish pivot. However, the euro has weakened further against other currency pairs. Our EUR/CHF trade was stopped out at 1.11 on Thursday morning. Report Links: EUR/USD And The Neutral Rate Of Interest - June 14, 2019 Take Out Some Insurance - May 3, 2019 Reading The Tea Leaves From China - April 12, 2019 The Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 Recent data in Japan have been mostly negative: Industrial production was unchanged at -1.1% year-on-year in April. Total adjusted trade balance decreased to -¥609.1 billion in May. Imports fell by 1.5% year-on-year, while exports contracted by 7.8% year-on-year. All industry activity index increased by 0.9% month-on-month in April. Machine tool orders continued to contract by 27.3% year-on-year in May. USD/JPY fell by 1.1% this week. BoJ kept the interest rate unchanged at -0.1% this week. In the monetary statement, the BoJ stated that the Japanese economy would likely continue expanding at a moderate rate, despite exogenous shocks. The current policy rates will be maintained at least through the spring of 2020. Report Links: Short USD/JPY: Heads I Win, Tails I Don’t Lose Too Much - May 31, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.K. have been mixed: Retail price index increased by 3% year-on-year in May. Headline and core inflation fell to 2% and 1.7% year-on-year respectively in May. Total retail sales growth fell to 2.3% year-on-year in May. GBP/USD increased by 0.9% this week. The MPC voted unanimously to keep the interest rate unchanged at 0.75% this week. However, some policymakers have suggested that borrowing costs should be higher. The BoE however cut its growth forecast in the second quarter of 2019 amid rising global trade tensions and a fear of “no-deal” Brexit. Report Links: A Contrarian View On The Australian Dollar - May 24, 2019 Take Out Some Insurance - May 3, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 There is little data from Australia this week: House price index contracted by 7.4% year-on-year in Q1. Westpac leading index fell by 0.08% month-on-month in May. AUD/USD rose by 0.7% this week. Our long AUD/USD came close to the stop-loss at 0.68 this Tuesday, then rebounded on dollar weakness and is now trading around 0.69. RBA governor Philip Lowe said that it was unrealistic to think that the single quarter-point cut to 1.25% would work to achieve its growth target, signaling more rate cuts and fiscal stimulus in the future. We are holding on to the long AUD/USD position from a contrarian perspective, and believe that the Aussie dollar will benefit as a pro-cyclical currency if the global growth outlook turns positive. Report Links: A Contrarian View On The Australian Dollar - May 24, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 Recent data in New Zealand have been mixed: REINZ house sales keep contracting by 7.8% year-on-year in May. Business Manufacturing PMI fell to 50.2 in May. Westpac consumer confidence fell to 103.5 in Q2. Current account surplus widened to N$0.675 billion in Q1. GDP growth was unchanged at 0.6% in Q1 on a quarter-on-quarter basis. However, it increased to 2.5% on a year-on-year basis. NZD/USD increased by 1.1% this week. Our bias remains that the New Zealand dollar has less room to rise compared to other pro-cyclical currencies if global growth picks up. Our SEK/NZD position is 1.3% in the money since initiated. Report Links: Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 Recent data in Canada have been mixed: Foreign portfolio investment in Canadian securities fell by C$12.8 billion in April. Bloomberg Nanos confidence increased to 56.9 in June. Manufacturing sales fell by 0.6% month-on-month in April. Headline and core inflation both increased to 2.4% and 2.1% year-on-year respectively in May, surprising to the upside. USD/CAD fell by 1.6% this week. The surprising Canadian inflation print, and oil price recovery are all underpinning the Canadian dollar in the short term. This Thursday, Iran shot down a the U.S. drone in Gulf, and fears have been rising of a military confrontation between the U.S. and Iran, which is bullish for oil prices and the Canadian dollar. Report Links: Currency Complacency Amid A Global Dovish Shift - April 26, 2019 A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 Recent data in Switzerland have been positive: Exports and imports increased to CHF 21.5 billion and CHF 18.1 billion respectively in May, resulting in a higher trade surplus of CHF 3.4 billion. USD/CHF fell by 1.7% this week. The Swiss franc has strengthened significantly against the U.S. dollar and the euro following the more-than-expected dovish shifts by the ECB and the Fed this week. Our bias remains that the SNB will use the currency as a weapon to defend the economy. Report Links: What To Do About The Swiss Franc? - May 17, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 Recent data in Norway have been negative: The trade surplus narrowed to 11.3 billion NOK in May. USD/NOK fell by 1.6% this week. The Norges bank raised interest rates from 1% to 1.25%, the third rate hike during the past 12 months, and the Bank is also signaling more to come in the future. The Norges Bank remains the only hawkish central bank among all the G10 countries at this moment. The widening interest rate differentials and bullish oil outlook have been pushing the Norwegian krone higher. Our long NOK/SEK position is now 4.5% in the money. Report Links: Currency Complacency Amid A Global Dovish Shift - April 26, 2019 A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 Recent data in Sweden have been neutral: Headline and core inflation increased to 2.2% and 2.1 year-on-year respectively in May. Consumer confidence increased to 93.8 in June, while manufacturing confidence fell to 100.2. Unemployment rate increased to 6.8% in May. USD/SEK fell by 0.7% this week. Easing financial conditions worldwide remain a tailwind for global growth. Risk assets are rebounding with higher hopes of a trade deal as Trump will meet Xi at the G20 summit. We believe that the Swedish krona will benefit if global growth picks up in the second half of this year. Report Links: Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades
Highlights So What? Geopolitical risks are not about to ease. Why? Fiscal policy becomes less accommodative next year unless politicians act. Financial conditions give President Trump room to expand his tariff onslaught. Our Iran view is confirmed by rapid escalation of tensions – war risk is high. The odds of a no-deal Brexit have risen. Feature The AUD-JPY cross and copper-to-gold ratio – two market indicators that flag global growth and risk-on sentiment – are hovering over critical points at which a further breakdown would catalyze a renewed flight to quality (Chart 1). Chart 1Risk-On Indicators Breaking Down? Global sentiment remains depressed amid a rash of negative economic surprises and bonds continue to rally despite a more dovish outlook from the Fed (Chart 2). Chart 2Global Sentiment Remains Depressed The cavalry is on the way: European Central Bank President Mario Draghi oversaw a dramatic easing of monetary policy on June 18, driving the Italian-German sovereign bond spread down to levels not seen since before the populist election outcome of March 2018 (Chart 2, bottom panel). The Federal Reserve adjusted its policy rate projections to countenance an interest rate cut in the not-too-distant future. More needs to be done, however, to sustain the optimism that has propelled the S&P 500 and global equities upward since the volatility catalyzed by President Donald Trump’s announcement of a tariff rate hike on May 6. Political and geopolitical risks are higher, not lower, since that time as market-negative scenarios are playing out with U.S. policy, Iran, and Brexit, while we take a dim view of the end-game of the U.S.-China negotiations despite recent improvements. Fiscal And Trade Uncertainties This year’s growth wobbles have occurred in the context of expansive fiscal policy in the developed markets. Next year, however, the fiscal thrust (the change in the cyclically adjusted budget balance) is projected to decline in the U.S. and Japan and nearly to do so in Europe (Chart 3). We expect President Trump and the House Democrats to raise spending caps (or at least keep spending at current levels) and thus prevent the budget deficit from contracting in FY2020 – this is their only substantial point of agreement. But this at best neutralizes what would otherwise be a negative fiscal backdrop. Meanwhile it is not at all clear that Brussels will relax its scrutiny of member states seeking to cut taxes and boost spending, such as Italy. Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo would need to arrange for the Diet to pass a new law to avoid the consumption tax hike from 8% to 10% on October 1. He can pull this off, especially if the U.S. trade war escalates – or if he decides to turn next month’s upper house election into a general election and needs to boost his popularity. But as things currently stand in law, the world’s third biggest economy will face a deep fiscal pullback next year (Chart 3, bottom panel). In short, DM fiscal policy will not really become contractionary in 2020, but this is a view and not yet a reality (Chart 4). Chart 3Fiscal Pullback Likely Next Year Chart 4Only The U.S. Is Profligate Meanwhile China’s stimulus is still in question – in fact it remains the major macro question this year. The efficacy of China’s stimulus is declining ... An escalating trade war will bring greater stimulus but also greater transmission problems. Since February we have argued that the Xi administration has shifted to sweeping fiscal-and-credit stimulus in the face of the unprecedented external threat posed by the Trump administration (Charts 5A and 5B). We expect China’s credit growth to continue its upturn in June and in H2. Ultimately, we think the whole package will be comparable to 2015-16 – and anything even close to that will prolong the global economic expansion. We do not see a massive 2008-style stimulus occurring unless relations with the U.S. completely collapse and a global recession occurs. Chart 5AStimulus Amid The Trade War The catch – as we have shown – is that the efficacy of China’s stimulus is declining over time because of over-indebtedness and bearish sentiment in China’s private sector. These tepid animal spirits stem from epochal changes: Xi’s reassertion of communism and America’s withdrawal of strategic support for China’s rise. An escalating trade war will bring greater stimulus but also greater transmission problems. The magnitude of the tariffs that President Trump is threatening to impose on China, Mexico, the EU, and Japan is mind-boggling. We illustrate this with a simple simulation of duties collected as a share of total imports under different scenarios (Chart 6). China and Mexico are fundamentally different from the EU and Japan and hence the threat of tariffs will continue to weigh on markets for Trump’s time in office – China because of a national security consensus and Mexico because of the Trump administration’s existential emphasis on curbing illegal immigration. But we still put the risk of auto tariffs (or other punitive measures) on Europe at 45% if Trump seals a China deal. The odds are lower for Japan but it is still at risk. Global supply chains are shifting – a new source of costs and uncertainty for companies – as a slew of recent news has highlighted. Already 40% of companies surveyed by the American Chamber of Commerce in China say they are relocating to Southeast Asia, Mexico, and elsewhere (Chart 7). If the G20 is a flop – or results in nothing more than a pause in tariffs for another three-month dialogue – relocations will gain steam, forcing companies’ bottom lines to take a hit. Even in the best case, in which the Trump-Xi summit produces a joint statement outlining a “deal in principle” accompanied by a rollback of the May 10 tariff hike, uncertainty will persist due to President Trump’s unpredictability, China’s incentive to wait until after the U.S. election, and Trump’s incentive to corner the “China hawk” platform prior to the election. We maintain that, by November 2020, there is a roughly 70% chance of further escalation. At least the U.S.-China conflict is nominally improving. The same cannot be said for other geopolitical risks discussed below: the U.S. and Iran are flirting with war; the U.S. presidential election is injecting a steady trickle of market-negative news; the chances of a no-deal Brexit are rising; and Trump may turn on Europe at a moment when it lacks leadership. This list assumes that Russia takes advantage of American distraction by improving domestic policy rather than launching into a new foreign adventure – say in Ukraine or Kaliningrad. If there is any doubt as to whether political risk can outweigh more accommodative monetary policy, remember that President Trump actually can remove Chairman Jerome Powell. Legally he is only allowed to do so “for cause” as opposed to “at will.” But the meaning of this term is a debate that would go to the Supreme Court in the event of a controversial decision. Meanwhile the stock market would dive. Now, this is precisely why Trump will not try. But the implication, as with Congress and the border wall, is that Trump is constrained on domestic policy and hence tariffs are his most effective tool to try to achieve policy victories. With an ebullient stock market and a Fed that is adjusting its position, Trump can try to kill two birds with one stone: wring concessions from trade partners while forcing the FOMC to keep responding to rising external risks. Bottom Line: Central banks are riding to the rescue, but there is only so much they can do if global leaders are tightening budgets and imposing barriers on immigration and trade. We remain tactically cautious. Oh Man, Oh Man, Oman Iran has swiftly responded to the Trump administration’s imposition of “maximum pressure” on oil exports. The shooting down of an American drone that Tehran claims violated its airspace on June 20 is the latest in a spate of incidents, including a Houthi first-ever cruise missile attack on Abha airport in Saudi Arabia. Two separate attacks on tankers near the Strait of Hormuz (Map 1) demonstrate that Iran is threatening to play its most devastating card in the renewed conflict with the U.S. Hormuz ushers through a substantial share of global oil demand and liquefied natural gas demand (Chart 8). The amount of spare pipeline capacity that the Gulf Arab states could activate in the event of a disruption is merely 3.9 million barrels per day, or 6 million if questionable pipelines like the outdated Iraqi pipeline in Saudi Arabia prove functional (Table 1). Table 1No Sufficient Alternatives To Hormuz A conflict with Iran could cause the biggest oil shock of all time. Even if this spare capacity were immediately utilized, a conflict could cause the biggest oil shock of all time – considerably bigger than that of the Iranian Revolution (Chart 9). We have shown in the past that Iran has the military capability of interrupting the flow of traffic in Hormuz for anywhere from 10 days to four months. A preemptive strike by Iran would be most effective, whereas a preemptive American attack would include targets to reduce Iran’s ability to retaliate via Hormuz. The impact on oil prices ranges from significant to devastating. Needless to say, blocking the Strait of Hormuz would initiate a war so Iran is attempting to achieve diplomatic goals with the threats themselves – it will only block the strait as a last resort, say if it is convinced that the U.S. is about to attack anyway. As the experience of President Jimmy Carter shows, Americans may rally around the flag during a crisis but they will also kick a president out of office for higher prices and an economic slowdown. President Trump cannot be unaware of this precedent. The intention of his Iran policy is to negotiate a “better deal” than the 2015 one – a deal that includes Iran’s regional power projection and ballistic missile capabilities as well as its nuclear program. The problem is that Trump has already been forced to deploy a range of forces to the region, including additional troops (albeit so far symbolic at 2,500) (Chart 10). He is also sending Special Representative for Iran, Brian Hook, to the region to rally support among Gulf Cooperation Council. The week after Hook will court Britain, Germany, and France, three of the signatories of the 2015 deal. Trump ran on a campaign of eschewing gratuitous wars in the Middle East – a popular stance among war-weary Americans (Chart 11) – but there is a substantial risk that he could get entangled in the region. First, he is adopting a more aggressive foreign policy to attempt to compensate for the lack of payoff in public opinion from the strong economy. Second, Iran is not shrinking from the fight, which could draw him deeper into conflict. Third, there is always a high risk of miscalculation when nations engage in such brinkmanship. Chart 10Is The 'Pivot To Asia' About To Reverse? The Iranian response has been, first, to reject negotiations. When Trump sent a letter to Rouhani via Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, Abe was rebuffed – and one of the tankers attacked near Oman was a Japanese flagged vessel, the Kokuka Courageous. This is a posture, not a permanent position, as the Iranian release of an American prisoner demonstrates. But the posture can and will be maintained in the near term – with escalation as the result. Second, Iran is increasing its own leverage in any future negotiation by demonstrating that it can sow instability across the region and bring the global economy grinding to a halt. Iran cannot assume that Trump means what he says about avoiding war but must focus on the United States’ actions and capabilities. Cutting off all oil exports is a recipe for extreme stress within the Iranian regime – it is an existential threat. Therefore, the Iranians have signaled that the cost of a total cutoff will be a war that will cause a global oil price shock. The Iranian leaders are also announcing that they are edging closer to walking away from the 2015 nuclear pact (Table 2). If so, they could quickly approach “breakout” capacity in the uranium enrichment – meaning that they could enrich to 20% and then in short order enrich to 90% and amass enough of this fuel to make a nuclear device one year thereafter. The Trump administration has reportedly reiterated that this one-year limit is the U.S. government’s “red line,” just as the Obama administration had done. Table 2Iran Threatens To Walk Away From 2015 Nuclear Deal This Iranian threat is a direct reaction to Trump’s decision in May not to renew the oil sanction waivers. Previously the Iranians had sought to preserve the 2015 deal, along with the Europeans, in order to wait out Trump’s first term. These developments push us to the brink of war. Iran is retaliating with both military force and a nuclear restart. This comes very close to meeting our conditions for an American (and Israeli) retaliation that is military in nature. Diagram 1 is an update of our decision tree that we have published since last year when Trump reneged on the 2015 deal. The window to de-escalate is closing rapidly. The Appendix provides a checklist for air strikes and/or the closure of Hormuz. Diagram 1Iran-U.S. Tensions Decision Tree At very least we expect to see the U.S. attempt to create a large international fleet to assert freedom of navigation in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz. While Iran may lay low during a large show of force, it will later want to demonstrate that it has not been cowed. And it has the capacity to retaliate elsewhere, including in Iraq, an area we have highlighted as a major geopolitical risk to oil supply. The U.S. government has already reacted to recent threats there from Iranian proxies by pulling non-essential personnel. Iran has several incentives to test the limits of conflict if the U.S. insists on the oil embargo. First, tactically, it seeks to deter President Trump, take advantage of American war-weariness, drive a wedge between the U.S. and Europe, and force a relaxation of the sanctions. This would also demonstrate to the region that Iran has greater resolve than the United States of America. This goal has not been achieved by the recent spate of actions, so there is likely more conflict to come. Second, President Hassan Rouhani’s government is also likely to maintain a belligerent posture – at least in the near term – to compensate for its loss of face upon the American betrayal of the 2015 nuclear deal. Rouhani negotiated the deal against the warnings of hardline revolutionaries. The 2020 majlis elections make this an important political goal for his more reform-oriented faction. Negotiations with Trump can only occur if Rouhani has resoundingly demonstrated his superiority in the clash of wills. Structurally, Iran faces tremendous regime pressures in the coming years and decades because of its large youth population, struggling economy, and impending power transition from the 80 year-old Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei. A patriotic war against America and its allies – while not desirable – is a risk that Khamenei can take, as an air war is less likely to trigger regime change than it is to galvanize a new generation in support of the Islamic revolution. For oil markets the outcome is volatility in the near term – reflecting the contrary winds of trade war and global growth fears with rising supply risks. Because we expect more Chinese stimulus, both as the trade talks extend and especially if they collapse, we ultimately share BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy view that the path of least resistance for oil prices is higher on a cyclical horizon, as demand exceeds supply (Chart 12). We remain long EM energy producers relative to EM ex-China. Chart 12Crude Oil Supply-Demand Balance Should Send Prices Higher Bottom Line: The risk of military conflict has risen materially. This also drastically elevates the risk of a supply shock in oil prices that would kill global demand. The U.S. Election Adds To Geopolitical Risk The 2020 U.S. election poses another political risk for the rising equity market. The Democratic Party’s first debate will be held on June 26-27. The leftward shift in the party will be on full display, portending a possible 180-degree reversal in U.S. policy if the Democrats should win the election, with the prospect of a rollback of Trump’s tax cuts and deregulation of health, finance, and energy. The uncertainty and negative impact on animal spirits will be modest if current trends persist through the debates. Former Vice President Joe Biden remains the frontrunner despite having naturally lost the bump to his polling support after announcing his official candidacy (Chart 13). Biden is a known quantity and a centrist, especially compared to the farther left candidates ranked second and third in popular support– Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders and Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren. Biden is not only beating Sanders in South Carolina, which underscores the fact that he is competitive in the South and hence has a broader path to the White House, but also in New Hampshire, where the Vermont native should be ahead (Chart 14). These states hold the early primaries and caucuses and if Biden maintains his large lead then he will start to appear inevitable very early in the primary campaign next year. Hence a poor showing in the debate on June 27 is a major risk to Biden – he should be expected to be eschew the limelight and play the long game. Elizabeth Warren, by contrast, has the most to gain as she appears on the first night and does not share a stage with the other heavy hitters. If she or other progressive candidates outperform then the market will be spooked. The market could begin to trade off the polls. All of these candidates are beating Trump in current head-to-head polling – Biden is even ahead in Texas (Chart 15). This means that any weakness from Biden does not necessarily offer the promise of a Trump victory and policy continuity. The Democrats also have a powerful demographic tailwind. The just-released projections from the U.S. Census Bureau reveal how Trump’s narrow margins of victory in the swing states in 2016 are in serious jeopardy in 2020 as a result of demographics if he does not improve his polling among the general public (Chart 16). We still give Trump the benefit of the doubt as the incumbent president amid an expanding economy, but it is essential to recognize that his popular approval rating is reminiscent of a president during recession – i.e. one who is about to lose the White House for his party (Chart 17). Even if there is not a recession, an increase in unemployment is likely to cost him the election – and even a further decrease in unemployment cannot guarantee victory (Chart 18). This is why we see Trump making a bid to become a foreign policy president and seek reelection on the basis that it is unwise to change leaders amid an international crisis. We still give Trump the benefit of the doubt ... but his popular approval rating is reminiscent of a president during recession. The race for the U.S. senate is extremely important for the policy setting from 2021. If Republicans maintain control, they will be able to block sweeping Democratic legislation – which is particularly relevant if a progressive candidate should win the White House. However, if Democrats can muster enough votes to remove a sitting president with a strong economy – including a strong economy in the key senate swing races (Chart 19) – then they will likely win over the senate as well. Chart 19Hard To Win The Senate In 2020 While Key States Prosper Bottom Line: The 2020 election poses a double risk to the bull market. First, the Democratic primary campaign threatens sharp policy discontinuity, especially if and when developments cause Biden to drop in the polls (dealing a blow to centrism or the political establishment). Second, Trump’s vulnerability makes him more likely to act aggressive on the international stage, whether on trade, immigration, or national security, reinforcing the risks outlined above with regard to China, Iran, Mexico, and even Europe. Rising Odds Of A No-Deal Brexit Former Mayor of London and former foreign secretary Boris Johnson looks increasingly likely to seal the Conservative Party leadership contest in the United Kingdom. It is not yet a done deal, but the shift within the party in favor of accepting a “no deal” exit is clear. None of the remaining candidates is willing to forgo that option. The newest development advances us along our decision tree in Diagram 2, altering the conditional probabilities for this year’s events. We expect the next prime minister to try to push a deal substantially similar to outgoing Prime Minister Theresa May before attempting any kamikaze run as the October 31 deadline approaches. The attempt to leverage the EU’s economic weakness will not produce a fundamental renegotiation of the exit deal, but some element of diplomatic accommodation is possible as the EU seeks to maintain overall stability and a smooth exit if that is what the U.K. is determined to accomplish. Diagram 2Brexit Decision Tree Hence the prospect of passing a deal substantially similar to outgoing Prime Minister Theresa May’s deal is about 30%, roughly equal to the chance of a delay (28%). These options are believable as the new leader will have precious little time between taking the reins and Brexit day. The EU can accept a delay because it ultimately has an interest in keeping the U.K. bound into the union. Public opinion polling is not conducive to the new prime minister seeking a new election unless the change of face creates a massive shift in support for the Conservatives, both by swallowing the Brexit Party and outpacing Labour. If the purpose is to deliver Brexit, then the risk of a repeat of the June 2017 snap election would seem excessive. Nevertheless, the Tories’ working majority in parliament is vanishingly small, at five MPs, so a shift in polling could change the thinking on this front. The pursuit of a no-deal exit would create a backlash in parliament that we reckon has a 21% chance of ending in a no-confidence motion and new election. Bottom Line: The odds of a crash Brexit have moved up from 14% to 21% as a result of the leadership contest. The threat that the U.K. will crash out of the EU is not merely a negotiating ploy, although it will be a last resort even for the new hard-Brexit prime minister. Public opinion is against a no-deal Brexit, as is the majority of parliament, but the risk to the U.K. and EU economies will loom large over global risk assets in the coming months. Investment Conclusions Political and geopolitical risks to the late-cycle expansion are rising, not falling. U.S. foreign policy remains the dominant risk but U.S. domestic policy pre-2020 is an aggravating factor. Easing financial conditions give President Trump more ammunition to use tariffs and sanctions. Meanwhile our view that this summer will feature “fire and fury” between the U.S. and Iran has been confirmed by the tanker attacks in Oman. Tensions will likely escalate from here. Ultimately, we believe Trump is more likely to back off from the Iran conflict than the China conflict. This is part of our long-term theme that the U.S. really is pivoting to China and geopolitical risk will rotate from the Middle East to East Asia. But as highlighted above, the risk of entanglement is very high due to Trump’s approach and Iran’s incentives to raise the stakes. Oil prices will not resume their upward drift until Chinese stimulus is reconfirmed – and even then they will continue to be volatile. We remain cautious and are maintaining our safe-haven tactical trades of long gold and long JPY/USD. Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix
Highlights As long as the global long bond yield stays near 2 percent or below, European equities will end the year at broadly the same level as now… …but they will experience a dip of at least 4-5 percent along the way. All central banks have pivoted to dovish but the Fed has more easing armoury than the ECB. This means that the recent outperformance of 10-year U.S. T-bonds versus 10-year German bunds can continue. It also means that the euro has a sound structural underpinning versus the dollar. Feature At the start of this year we explained Why 2019 Is A Pivotal Year For Monetary Policy. Today we want to elaborate on that report, and its key observations: Since 2008, no developed economy central bank has been able to hike interest rates sequentially by more than 2 percent before needing to take a breather… and then reverse course. The current vulnerability to tightening emanates from the hyper-sensitivity of financial conditions to rate hikes, rather than from the direct impact on rate-sensitive sectors in the economy. Since October 2017, no stock market rally or sell-off has lasted more than three months or so (Chart Of The Week). These observations are as relevant – or more relevant – now, as they were at the time of our original report.1 Since the Global Financial Crisis, no developed economy central bank has been able to hike interest rates sequentially by more than 2 percent. Chart Of The WeekSince October 2017, No Rally Or Sell-Off Has Lasted More Than Three Months A 2 Percent Tightening Is The Post-2008 Limit Since the Global Financial Crisis, no developed economy central bank has been able to hike interest rates sequentially by more than 2 percent before having to reverse course (Chart I-2 and Chart I-3). Chart I-2A 2 Percent Sequential Tightening Is The Post-2008 Limit Chart I-3A 2 Percent Sequential Tightening Is The Post-2008 Limit In 2008, Swedish interest rates peaked near 5 percent before collapsing to the zero bound in the financial crisis. But when the Riksbank started its so-called ‘policy normalisation’ in 2010, the interest rate could only reach 2 percent before the central bank had to backtrack; Norway could manage just 1 percent of tightening before its volte-face. Though admittedly, both Sweden and Norway were caught in the maelstrom of the euro debt crisis in 2011-12. However, on the other side of the world and relatively immune to the crisis in Europe, New Zealand could achieve a tightening also of only 1 percent; Korea could manage just 1.25 percent; the Reserve Bank of Australia marched interest rates up by 1.75 percent before taking a breather… and then marched them down again. The consensus was taking far too rosy a view on the global financial system’s capacity to tolerate further tightening. The Federal Reserve raised interest rates sequentially by 2 percent through December 2016 to December 2018, and guess what – it is now on the cusp of reversing course. The ultimate course will have a huge bearing on investment strategy for European equities, bonds and currencies. The Neutral Real Rate Of Interest Is Zero Many economists and strategists expected the Fed to continue hiking through 2019, but this publication pushed back hard. The consensus was taking far too rosy a view on the global financial system’s capacity to tolerate further tightening. Central to this publication’s resistance was, and is, a high-conviction view that the so-called ‘neutral’ real rate of interest – the real interest rate that is neither accommodative nor restrictive, the real interest rate consistent with an economy maintaining full employment while keeping inflation constant – is zero. The neutral rate of interest is very low. In our Special Report Why The Neutral Rate Of Interest Is Zero we proposed that the neutral rate is global rather than region-specific, that it refers to the bond yield rather than to the policy rate, and that it is extremely low. As it happens, the Fed broadly concurs. With the policy rate, bond yield, and inflation all at around 2 percent, the real policy rate and real bond yield are both near zero. At this level the central bank claims that “the policy stance is now in the Committee’s estimates of neutral… and when you get to that range we have to let the data speak to us.”2 However, the data that is speaking most loudly is not necessarily the economic data, it is the financial market data. Jay Powell has said that if there is a sustained change in financial conditions through any one or more of its components then “that has to play into our thinking.” We think it has (Chart I-4). Comparing Today’s Rich Valuations With 2007 In the aftermath of the dot com bubble burst in 2000, policy interest rates collapsed to very low levels but, crucially, long bond yields did not. This contrasts with the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis in 2008, during which both policy interest rates and bond yields have plunged to all-time lows (Charts I-5 - I-7). Funny things happen when the long bond yield gets to, and remains, at ultra-low nominal levels. Chart I-5In The Aftermath Of 2000, Bond Yields Did Not Collapse; But In The Aftermath Of 2008, They Did Chart I-6In The Aftermath Of 2000, Bond Yields Did Not Collapse; But In The Aftermath Of 2008, They Did Chart I-7In The Aftermath Of 2000, Bond Yields Did Not Collapse; But In The Aftermath Of 2008, They Did The difference between the post-2000 and post-2008 policy responses can be summarized in two letters: QE. For all its apparent complexity, QE is actually a very simple monetary policy tool. It is just a mechanism for signalling that the policy interest rate will remain low for an extended period. Thereby, QE pulls down the long-term interest rate, which is to say the long bond yield. The double-digit rally over the past six months is technically extended. But as we have consistently pointed out on these pages, funny things happen when the long bond yield gets to, and remains, at ultra-low nominal levels. We refer readers to our other reports for the details, but in a nutshell the risk of owning bonds converges to the risk of owning equities and other so-called ‘risk-assets’. The upshot of this risk convergence is that investors price these risk-assets to deliver the same ultra-low nominal return as bonds, meaning that the valuation of the risk-assets soars.3 Chart I-8Since 2015, The Global Long Bond Yield Has Been Unable To Remain Above 2.5 Percent All of which brings us to the crucial point. The post-2000 extreme policy easing distorted the real economy. It engineered a credit boom. So the fragility to the subsequent policy tightening emanated from the real economy, and particularly the most rate-sensitive sectors in the economy such as mortgage lending and housing. In contrast, the post-2008 extreme policy easing – driven by QE – has distorted the valuation of risk-assets. Moreover, the value of global risk-assets, at $400 trillion dwarfs the $80 trillion global economy by five to one. So the current fragility to policy tightening does not emanate from the real economy, it emanates from the hyper-sensitivity of financial conditions to higher bond yields (Chart 8). Some European Investment Implications The integration of global capital markets means that the valuation anchor for European – and all regional – stock markets now comes from the global long bond yield, which we define as the simple average of the 10-year yields in the euro area, U.S., and China. Through the past five years, the inability of the global long bond yield to remain above 2.5 percent confirms the hyper-sensitivity of financial conditions to higher interest rates. And it suggests that the ‘neutral’ rate on this measure is around 2 percent. The good news is that this measure now stands slightly below neutral at 1.9 percent. The euro has a sound structural underpinning versus the dollar. At around this level of the global long bond yield, the rich valuation of European equities has some support. That said, the double-digit rally over the past six months is technically extended, as most of the things that could go right did go right – central banks pivoted to dovish, euro area growth rebounded, and, until recently, geopolitical risks were easing. Hence, as long as the global long bond yield stays near 2 percent or below, we expect European equities to end the year at broadly the same level as now, though our technical signals do strongly suggest a dip of at least 4-5 percent along the way (Chart I-9). Chart I-9The Double-Digit Rally In Stock Markets Over The Past Six Months Is Technically Extended Chart I-10The Fed Has More Easing Armoury Than The ECB As regards bonds and currencies, all central banks have pivoted to dovish but the Fed has more easing armoury than the ECB (Chart I-10). This means that the recent outperformance of 10-year U.S. T-bonds versus 10-year German bunds can continue. It also means that the euro has a sound structural underpinning versus the dollar. However, this structural underpinning also applies to the yen, and until we get some clarity on Brexit we prefer the yen over the euro. Fractal Trading System* In line with the main body of this report and Chart 9, we see evidence that the double-digit rally in stock markets over the past six months is technically extended. Accordingly, this week’s recommended trade is to short the MSCI All-Country World index, setting the profit target at 4 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. This leaves us with four open positions. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. Dhaval Joshi, Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see the European Investment Strategy Weekly Report ‘Why 2019 Is A Pivotal Year For Monetary Policy’ February 7, 2019 available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report ‘Why The Neutral Rate Of Interest Is Zero’ June 6, 2019 available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see the European Investment Strategy Weekly Report ‘Risk: The Great Misunderstanding Of Finance’ October 25, 2018 available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 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